By Maila Baje
http://newsblaze.com/story/20080929054331baje.nb/topstory.html
China offers Rs.100 million in military assistance and 14 armed groups active in the Terai organize a unity meeting in India. Such a straightforward link may be difficult to establish, at first. But there are too many dots that can be connected that way.
The first detailed report on Defense Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa's impending visit to China emerged in India earlier this month while his boss was busy charming his hosts. Bucking the euphoric trend, a top Nepal analyst, Gen. Ashok K. Mehta, urged his country to judge Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal by his deeds, not words. And those deeds, in Mehta's view, would surface soon through Thapa.
A Defense Ministry spokesman in Kathmandu said the Chinese assistance would be used according to the needs of the country. Duh! Mehta, for his part, questioned the logic of such cooperation on two grounds. "First, the Maoist and Chinese People's Liberation Armies are as different as chalk and cheese," he wrote. "China had castigated the Maoists for hijacking the fair name of Chairman Mao and called them all sorts of names, like 'miscreants' and 'anti-state rebels'," he added. When everyone stopped arms supply to Nepal Army after the royal coup, only China and Pakistan continued to do so, he noted.
But Mehta's second point was more germane to the context. "Why should the Maoists be trained in China when the integration is to take place in Nepal?" India, he added, had offered to provide vocational training for those PLA members who are not qualified or unwilling to join the Nepal Army. "Moreover, the Indian Army runs an excellent training centre for retiring Gorkhas in Dehra Dun tailored to conditions in Nepal."
In keeping with his country's prevailing official stand, Mehta studiously tried avoiding questioning Kathmandu's freedom to train PLA cadres wherever it chose. "But if this is part of [the] 'equidistance' policy or change of direction, the new Maoist leaders need to be reminded that the bulk of training and modernization of the Nepal Army has been done by India," he said. "Yet it figures nowhere in the security sector reforms," he lamented. Or, perhaps more appropriately, admonished.
Indeed, there has been a long tradition of army-to-army relations between the two countries. Kings Tribhuvan and Mahendra, as Mehta recalled, requested New Delhi to help modernize the then-Royal Nepal Army. (At least, the general who always saw the monarchy as institutionally and congenitally anti-Indian and often let that be known in his impeccable Nepali, has come around to acknowledging the historical record.)Army chief Gen. Rukmangat Katuwal visited New Delhi last January and, as part of a four-decade-old tradition of exchanging titles, was made an honorary general of the Indian Army. Nepal remains the largest recipient of Indian military assistance and training (which is not much of a record considering New Delhi's place in international military cooperation.)
During King Gyanendra's reign, military assistance reached its zenith after the Maoists attacked the military in Dang in November 2001. Clearly, the Maoist debacle in Khara in 2005, a few months after the royal takeover, struck a blow to the hardliners and boosted advocates of a return to the political process. We don't know precisely what role Indian arms and ammunition played there, especially considering that both sides were using them. Still, Khara gave cover to India to facilitate the 12-point agreement between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance. (Would the narrative have stood, had King Gyanendra desisted from shifting South Asia's geopolitical locus northward at the regional summit in Dhaka?)
The Maoists have said, Mehta recalls, that India would not have let them win the "people's war". A section, ostensibly including Thapa, is still holding their military defeat against New Delhi. Hence, his China trip. Reports doing the rounds in Kathmandu suggest a graver game plan: the amalgamation of the two armies into a national force that would be ultimately headed by Maoist commander Nanda Kishore Pun 'Pasang'. The Chinese government, according to some of these reports, has made arrangements to "train" Pasang sufficiently in fulfillment of the requirements for the top job.
Regardless of the veracity of these reports, the logical question stands. What next from India? Kings Birendra and Gyanendra both were punished for cozying up to China in 1988-89 and 2005-06. In the first instance, a crippling economic embargo coincided with a democracy movement. In the second, democracy was a sufficient rallying cry. Neither course would be practically tenable at this time (unless someone in South Block still believes in instigating the Nepali Congress to launch another movement for democracy against the Maoists).
Hence, the next best thing. Should we expect a 14-party multipoint agreement to be formally signed and unveiled in Patna any time soon?
Maila Baje writes about Nepal at http://nepalinetbook.blogspot.com
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Wednesday, October 15, 2008
Wednesday, September 17, 2008
QUO VADIS NEPALI CONGRESS? - Dr Khagendra N Sharma
September 4, 2008 (Courtesy - The Kathmandu Post)
Quo Vadis- which way- is the Nepali Congress moving? It looks odd that it has chosen to remain outside the government.
Girija Koirala is known to be a master in breaking a government- any government including his own- to perpetuate his rule- his dynastic rule- no matter what happens to the nation, to the party, to the ideology of his party, to the devoted cadres of his party and to the people at large.
Ever since the CPN-Maoist were returned as the largest party in the constituent assembly election, the NC has found it extremely difficult to adjust. Prime Minister Girija stuck to his seat until all alibis were exhausted to prevent the Maoists from leading the government. He insisted until the last moment that the only desired course was the course of consensus. But at the final stroke, he led his party in the opposition bench. With what intent?
It is obvious that the NC failed to accept that they were rejected by the people as the leading party at the present juncture. History will acknowledge that the NC led the movement for democracy ever since they fought against the formidable rule of the Ranas before their removal in 1950. The removal of the Ranas and the restoration of the full power of the monarch, particularly under king Mahendra, gave the NC no less trouble. After a brief spell of democratic governance, the NC was thrown out of power by king Mahendra and most of the NC leaders were either jailed or exiled for decades. The NC kept the burner of the democratic movement alight and led the movement or the restoration of democracy in 1990. Until that juncture, the NC had nurtured an image of the champion of the people.
However, the NC became power hungry after that watershed. The people voted the NC into power, but the party did not remain the champion of the people any longer. The central leadership of the NC wove a cobweb of power, pampering a few dishonest characters with constant pouring of ministerial berths irrespective of their corrupt image in the public. The first act of dissolution of the parliament by Girija turned out to be disastrous, resulting in a hung parliament. In stead of learning from the disaster and rebuilding its image, he started breaking the government one after another. The series resulted in the weakening of the democratic set-up and the king played his autocratic card. King Gyanendra not only disregarded the constitution, but also swallowed the constitutional parties in one morsel.
Restraining the autocratic monarch was so mountainous that the parliamentary parties had to take out the rally of the Maoists from the jungle. Disarming the Maoists and bringing them into the mainstream politics was initiated by the UML but it was joined by the NC in the final act of signing the 12 point agreement which became the successful plank to push the king out. The interim period under the leadership of Girija as the PM has had its successes, culminating in the election for the CA. But the result did not go as the NC and their leader Girija wanted. It proved to be a bone in the throat of the NC. The positions of the President and a VP were created in the Interim Constitution and a role for the opposition was created to assuage the NC. The interim period was successful on account of the consensus approach in the national politics. But the NC chose to break the successful tradition of consensus and went to the opposition bench.
The role of an opposition would be a healthy development during the normal course of a nation's democratic governance. But this is not yet a normal course of federal, democratic republic of Nepal. The IC has talked of restructuring of the state, but nothing has changed except the nomenclature of the head of the state. The federal components have not even been identified. There are several other aspects of state restructuring which cannot be successfully accomplished by the government alone unless it is a consensus government. Every bit of the restructuring will require the consensus of the people because the people have wanted the changes. This needs deep probing into, and strong articulation of, the nation's best interest by each stake holder. And there is no doubt that the NC is a strong stake holder.
The CA has two facets: the constitution maker and the nation's interim legislature. Constitution making is the main function of the CA: nay, it is the main function of the state. The CA has a short tenure of two years out of which almost half a year has already been wasted. The legislative function will have to be kept only within the indispensable minimum of day to day governance. By all reasoning, there can be no room for opposition in the constitution making part of the CA. So, the utmost role that an opposition can play is in the small hours of the legislative functioning of the CA. The NC in opposition can try to restrain the government in the day to day function. But its impact will be limited because the NC will be crushed by the sheer numbers. Because the NC did not take any comrades-in-arm in choosing to be in the opposition, they are going to remain in an absolute minority.
As there will be not much to do in the opposition, the fertile brain of Girija may contrive innovative ways of destabilizing the government. It was imminent from the last hour consultation Girija did before finally surrendering power to the Maoists that he was not happy to see the Maoists in the saddle of the government. He and his pampered ex-ministers will have ample time to flirt with the parties and CA members who are not happy at the composition of the cabinet and the selection of the present ministers, and try to win them over in bringing down the government. But it is unlikely that it will be successful this time. No government can work with the Maoists outside it. And, with the UML out, it cannot work out even a simple majority.
The role in the constitution making part of the CA will also not be easy for the NC. Their decision to remain in the opposition will create a conceptual rift with the government and it will deter the process of consensus in serious issues. The provision of the two/thirds majority to legitimize the constitution will keep the NC in a weak position in bargaining and they cannot check the unwanted parts of the new constitution from being carried out in the CA. Thus, they will be ineffective both in the legislative part and the constitution making part of the CA functions.
The NC can use this new-found role of not being responsible for running the country in a number of areas. First they can leisurely evaluate the various reasons why the CA election did not go in their favor. They have been blaming the intimidating tactics of the Maoists as the main reason of their defeat. But they have fared the same fate where the Maoists have the least influence. Secondly, they can evaluate the role of the leadership. Much has been said in this respect in the political market. They can do some introspection. Third, they can discuss internal democracy inside the party itself. Probably they can find a lot of home work in here.
Finally, they can re-establish public contact, particularly in areas where the NC base has been broken during the last election. If these things are seriously done, they may regain some of the lost ground in the next election. That may turn out to be the boon in disguise for remaining in the opposition.
Quo Vadis- which way- is the Nepali Congress moving? It looks odd that it has chosen to remain outside the government.
Girija Koirala is known to be a master in breaking a government- any government including his own- to perpetuate his rule- his dynastic rule- no matter what happens to the nation, to the party, to the ideology of his party, to the devoted cadres of his party and to the people at large.
Ever since the CPN-Maoist were returned as the largest party in the constituent assembly election, the NC has found it extremely difficult to adjust. Prime Minister Girija stuck to his seat until all alibis were exhausted to prevent the Maoists from leading the government. He insisted until the last moment that the only desired course was the course of consensus. But at the final stroke, he led his party in the opposition bench. With what intent?
It is obvious that the NC failed to accept that they were rejected by the people as the leading party at the present juncture. History will acknowledge that the NC led the movement for democracy ever since they fought against the formidable rule of the Ranas before their removal in 1950. The removal of the Ranas and the restoration of the full power of the monarch, particularly under king Mahendra, gave the NC no less trouble. After a brief spell of democratic governance, the NC was thrown out of power by king Mahendra and most of the NC leaders were either jailed or exiled for decades. The NC kept the burner of the democratic movement alight and led the movement or the restoration of democracy in 1990. Until that juncture, the NC had nurtured an image of the champion of the people.
However, the NC became power hungry after that watershed. The people voted the NC into power, but the party did not remain the champion of the people any longer. The central leadership of the NC wove a cobweb of power, pampering a few dishonest characters with constant pouring of ministerial berths irrespective of their corrupt image in the public. The first act of dissolution of the parliament by Girija turned out to be disastrous, resulting in a hung parliament. In stead of learning from the disaster and rebuilding its image, he started breaking the government one after another. The series resulted in the weakening of the democratic set-up and the king played his autocratic card. King Gyanendra not only disregarded the constitution, but also swallowed the constitutional parties in one morsel.
Restraining the autocratic monarch was so mountainous that the parliamentary parties had to take out the rally of the Maoists from the jungle. Disarming the Maoists and bringing them into the mainstream politics was initiated by the UML but it was joined by the NC in the final act of signing the 12 point agreement which became the successful plank to push the king out. The interim period under the leadership of Girija as the PM has had its successes, culminating in the election for the CA. But the result did not go as the NC and their leader Girija wanted. It proved to be a bone in the throat of the NC. The positions of the President and a VP were created in the Interim Constitution and a role for the opposition was created to assuage the NC. The interim period was successful on account of the consensus approach in the national politics. But the NC chose to break the successful tradition of consensus and went to the opposition bench.
The role of an opposition would be a healthy development during the normal course of a nation's democratic governance. But this is not yet a normal course of federal, democratic republic of Nepal. The IC has talked of restructuring of the state, but nothing has changed except the nomenclature of the head of the state. The federal components have not even been identified. There are several other aspects of state restructuring which cannot be successfully accomplished by the government alone unless it is a consensus government. Every bit of the restructuring will require the consensus of the people because the people have wanted the changes. This needs deep probing into, and strong articulation of, the nation's best interest by each stake holder. And there is no doubt that the NC is a strong stake holder.
The CA has two facets: the constitution maker and the nation's interim legislature. Constitution making is the main function of the CA: nay, it is the main function of the state. The CA has a short tenure of two years out of which almost half a year has already been wasted. The legislative function will have to be kept only within the indispensable minimum of day to day governance. By all reasoning, there can be no room for opposition in the constitution making part of the CA. So, the utmost role that an opposition can play is in the small hours of the legislative functioning of the CA. The NC in opposition can try to restrain the government in the day to day function. But its impact will be limited because the NC will be crushed by the sheer numbers. Because the NC did not take any comrades-in-arm in choosing to be in the opposition, they are going to remain in an absolute minority.
As there will be not much to do in the opposition, the fertile brain of Girija may contrive innovative ways of destabilizing the government. It was imminent from the last hour consultation Girija did before finally surrendering power to the Maoists that he was not happy to see the Maoists in the saddle of the government. He and his pampered ex-ministers will have ample time to flirt with the parties and CA members who are not happy at the composition of the cabinet and the selection of the present ministers, and try to win them over in bringing down the government. But it is unlikely that it will be successful this time. No government can work with the Maoists outside it. And, with the UML out, it cannot work out even a simple majority.
The role in the constitution making part of the CA will also not be easy for the NC. Their decision to remain in the opposition will create a conceptual rift with the government and it will deter the process of consensus in serious issues. The provision of the two/thirds majority to legitimize the constitution will keep the NC in a weak position in bargaining and they cannot check the unwanted parts of the new constitution from being carried out in the CA. Thus, they will be ineffective both in the legislative part and the constitution making part of the CA functions.
The NC can use this new-found role of not being responsible for running the country in a number of areas. First they can leisurely evaluate the various reasons why the CA election did not go in their favor. They have been blaming the intimidating tactics of the Maoists as the main reason of their defeat. But they have fared the same fate where the Maoists have the least influence. Secondly, they can evaluate the role of the leadership. Much has been said in this respect in the political market. They can do some introspection. Third, they can discuss internal democracy inside the party itself. Probably they can find a lot of home work in here.
Finally, they can re-establish public contact, particularly in areas where the NC base has been broken during the last election. If these things are seriously done, they may regain some of the lost ground in the next election. That may turn out to be the boon in disguise for remaining in the opposition.
Friday, September 12, 2008
Koiralas gone with the wind!
TGW - Not for nothing late Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala - a legendary Nepali Congress leader is remembered by the Nepali Congress cadres at this point of time.
Merely have two months and three days passed after Nepal was declared a Democratic Republic but more importantly the winds of change have also swayed away the Nepali Congress more so the Koirala legacy in Nepali politics along with the 240 years old institution of monarchy.
Late B.P. Koirala is remembered more at this point of time for his remarks wherein he had said that the existence of Nepali Congress in Nepali politics is linked to the existence of the Institution of Monarchy. “Our necks [Monarchy and Nepali Congress] are tied with each other”, B.P is quoted as saying by his followers even to date.
After 26 years of the death of late BP, his disliked brother and the incumbent Prime Minister G.P Koirala remained instrumental in dethroning the monarchy, and in reducing the glorious Nepali Congress into a meagre force.
Be that as it may, today, Friday August 15, 2008, Nepal’s octogenarian Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is quitting Nepal’s Prime Minister’s official residence who, if every thing goes as per the general expectations, will be replaced by none other than the man who through a bloody communist revolt not only uprooted the institution of monarchy but also ensured that the marginalized sections of Nepali society are guaranteed their inherent rights, in the process sacrificing more than thirteen thousand precious lives.
G.P Koirala will be staying at the personal house of Dr. Sashank Koirala some where in Kathmandu. Dr. Koirala is the son of late B.P.
As per some media reports, at a family gathering recently held at the PM’s official residence, Nepal’s care-taker prime minister Koirala accepted that the Koirala legacy in Nepali Politics has thus ended in a disastrous manner. In saying so, Koirala who will always be remembered for his love for power and power alone blamed some NC party leaders for the shameful ouster of “Koiralas” from Nepali politics.
Nevertheless, Sujata Koirala-the illustrious daughter of G.P was quick to comment on her father’s remarks. “You have always supported worthless men in Nepali politics”, told Sujata to her elderly father.
“I will stay at Sashank’s house…I have lived there before…I will feel more comfortable there”, Koirala said.
“You have never listened to me”, Sujata lamented.
Is this the end of Koiralas from Nepali politics? Yes perhaps!
With Sher Bahadur Deuba and Ram Chandra Poudel and many more opportunist leaders in the Nepali Congress camp competing for the party top position, the party will also face possibly several splits if something unusual happens, conclude analysts.
Merely have two months and three days passed after Nepal was declared a Democratic Republic but more importantly the winds of change have also swayed away the Nepali Congress more so the Koirala legacy in Nepali politics along with the 240 years old institution of monarchy.
Late B.P. Koirala is remembered more at this point of time for his remarks wherein he had said that the existence of Nepali Congress in Nepali politics is linked to the existence of the Institution of Monarchy. “Our necks [Monarchy and Nepali Congress] are tied with each other”, B.P is quoted as saying by his followers even to date.
After 26 years of the death of late BP, his disliked brother and the incumbent Prime Minister G.P Koirala remained instrumental in dethroning the monarchy, and in reducing the glorious Nepali Congress into a meagre force.
Be that as it may, today, Friday August 15, 2008, Nepal’s octogenarian Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is quitting Nepal’s Prime Minister’s official residence who, if every thing goes as per the general expectations, will be replaced by none other than the man who through a bloody communist revolt not only uprooted the institution of monarchy but also ensured that the marginalized sections of Nepali society are guaranteed their inherent rights, in the process sacrificing more than thirteen thousand precious lives.
G.P Koirala will be staying at the personal house of Dr. Sashank Koirala some where in Kathmandu. Dr. Koirala is the son of late B.P.
As per some media reports, at a family gathering recently held at the PM’s official residence, Nepal’s care-taker prime minister Koirala accepted that the Koirala legacy in Nepali Politics has thus ended in a disastrous manner. In saying so, Koirala who will always be remembered for his love for power and power alone blamed some NC party leaders for the shameful ouster of “Koiralas” from Nepali politics.
Nevertheless, Sujata Koirala-the illustrious daughter of G.P was quick to comment on her father’s remarks. “You have always supported worthless men in Nepali politics”, told Sujata to her elderly father.
“I will stay at Sashank’s house…I have lived there before…I will feel more comfortable there”, Koirala said.
“You have never listened to me”, Sujata lamented.
Is this the end of Koiralas from Nepali politics? Yes perhaps!
With Sher Bahadur Deuba and Ram Chandra Poudel and many more opportunist leaders in the Nepali Congress camp competing for the party top position, the party will also face possibly several splits if something unusual happens, conclude analysts.
Interview: Girija Prasad Koirala, Ex-Prime Minister
http://telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4048
Tell our readers Mr. Koirala how you are passing your days?
GPK: From the early morning, I am totally engaged in holding political meetings and discussions. Friends from various political parties, heads of various diplomatic missions and people from various walks of life visit me. Even friends from within the Nepali Congress party come to see me and we talk on general politics and the role NC should play in the days ahead.
What are the general views of the visitors who come to see you?
GPK: Generally they have lot of criticisms and also some logical suggestions. After the Maoists leading the government, they complain that the nation has lost its way and they look more concerned on the future of democracy in Nepal. Generally, they all suspect that whether the Federal Democratic setup will be weakened in the days ahead? If the Maoists will take the country to the one party totalitarian regime, this is the general belief, I have encountered so far. Some even say that now it is the responsibility of the Nepali Congress to come strongly forward in preserving the democratic setup.
What say you Mr. Koirala regarding the functioning of the incumbent government?
GPK: I believe that it is not the right time to make any comments be it positive or negative on the issue of the functioning of this government.
We are in fact in a mood to wait and see.
It is too early to comment on this issue, less than a month has passed after the formation of this government.
We will nevertheless at an opportune moment comment on this topic.
Prime Minister Dahal has alleged that you have already made up your mind to take steps towards breaking this government. Is that true Mr. Koirala?
GPK: What Prachanda ji says, he knows it better…as far as I am concerned, I am against breaking this government now. If the government continues preserving the foundations of a democratic setup we will have nothing say. However any attack on the foundation of democracy, peoples’ inherent rights and the rule of law…I will not remain quiet.
I had told Prachanda ji to provide continuity to the politics of consensus however, he is the one who ignored it blatantly.
I am more concerned now a days on rebuilding foundation of our party, make some internal reforms in the Nepali Congress and also about unity among the political parties, peace process and drafting of the new constitution.
I am not thinking to break the government led by Prachanda ji.
Who ignored the politics of consensus?
GPK: I have been saying uninterruptedly that the politics of consensus should be accorded top priority. After the restoration of democracy and even after the election to the CA, I spoke in favor of consensus politics.
I still believe that it should have been given priority for at least ten more years to come. However the Maoists ignored it after the election to the CA. To lead the government and more importantly to alienate the Nepali Congress, they rejected the idea of consensus.
I still tell Prachanda ji that there is no alternative to consensus. To bring the peace process to a logical end and to draft the new constitution, it is compulsory.
Inner strife in the Nepali Congress, what say you Mr. Koirala?
GPK: It is totally wrong that we have differences over major issues in our party. The NC is united and will always remain one.
What about the differences regarding electing the leader of the parliamentary party delegation?
GPK: These are just half truths propagated by the Nepali media. We are a democratic party and we will elect our leader democratically. Our mentors are B.P. Koirala, Subarna Sumsher Rana and Ganesh Man who have taught us democratic norms and values. There is no difference in our party and I have told my friends that I do not want to listen to any dissenting voices.
What role will NC play in opposition?
GPK: We will play constructive role in the opposition. We will not burn tiers and halt traffic. We will set an example as the main opposition party.
(Courtesy: Ghatna Ra Bichar Weekly, Dated: Sepetmber 10, 2008)2008-09-10 20:59:26
Tell our readers Mr. Koirala how you are passing your days?
GPK: From the early morning, I am totally engaged in holding political meetings and discussions. Friends from various political parties, heads of various diplomatic missions and people from various walks of life visit me. Even friends from within the Nepali Congress party come to see me and we talk on general politics and the role NC should play in the days ahead.
What are the general views of the visitors who come to see you?
GPK: Generally they have lot of criticisms and also some logical suggestions. After the Maoists leading the government, they complain that the nation has lost its way and they look more concerned on the future of democracy in Nepal. Generally, they all suspect that whether the Federal Democratic setup will be weakened in the days ahead? If the Maoists will take the country to the one party totalitarian regime, this is the general belief, I have encountered so far. Some even say that now it is the responsibility of the Nepali Congress to come strongly forward in preserving the democratic setup.
What say you Mr. Koirala regarding the functioning of the incumbent government?
GPK: I believe that it is not the right time to make any comments be it positive or negative on the issue of the functioning of this government.
We are in fact in a mood to wait and see.
It is too early to comment on this issue, less than a month has passed after the formation of this government.
We will nevertheless at an opportune moment comment on this topic.
Prime Minister Dahal has alleged that you have already made up your mind to take steps towards breaking this government. Is that true Mr. Koirala?
GPK: What Prachanda ji says, he knows it better…as far as I am concerned, I am against breaking this government now. If the government continues preserving the foundations of a democratic setup we will have nothing say. However any attack on the foundation of democracy, peoples’ inherent rights and the rule of law…I will not remain quiet.
I had told Prachanda ji to provide continuity to the politics of consensus however, he is the one who ignored it blatantly.
I am more concerned now a days on rebuilding foundation of our party, make some internal reforms in the Nepali Congress and also about unity among the political parties, peace process and drafting of the new constitution.
I am not thinking to break the government led by Prachanda ji.
Who ignored the politics of consensus?
GPK: I have been saying uninterruptedly that the politics of consensus should be accorded top priority. After the restoration of democracy and even after the election to the CA, I spoke in favor of consensus politics.
I still believe that it should have been given priority for at least ten more years to come. However the Maoists ignored it after the election to the CA. To lead the government and more importantly to alienate the Nepali Congress, they rejected the idea of consensus.
I still tell Prachanda ji that there is no alternative to consensus. To bring the peace process to a logical end and to draft the new constitution, it is compulsory.
Inner strife in the Nepali Congress, what say you Mr. Koirala?
GPK: It is totally wrong that we have differences over major issues in our party. The NC is united and will always remain one.
What about the differences regarding electing the leader of the parliamentary party delegation?
GPK: These are just half truths propagated by the Nepali media. We are a democratic party and we will elect our leader democratically. Our mentors are B.P. Koirala, Subarna Sumsher Rana and Ganesh Man who have taught us democratic norms and values. There is no difference in our party and I have told my friends that I do not want to listen to any dissenting voices.
What role will NC play in opposition?
GPK: We will play constructive role in the opposition. We will not burn tiers and halt traffic. We will set an example as the main opposition party.
(Courtesy: Ghatna Ra Bichar Weekly, Dated: Sepetmber 10, 2008)2008-09-10 20:59:26
Inherit thoughts of BP, NC Cadres told
DAMAULI, Sept. 9: Acting President of Nepali Congress (NC) Sushil Koirala has said the existence of NC would be no more in the day when BP’s thoughts and socialism were ignored.
At a party members meet organized here today by NC, Tanahun on the occasion of 95the birth anniversary of people’s leader BP Koirala, he highlighted BP’s ideals and principles in the current context.
The Nepali politics has not yet been stable due to frequent attacks on democracy in one way or another, he added.
Acting President Koirala also urged party cadres to work together for the protection of peace and democracy.
Similarly in Lalitpur, Vice-president of Nepali Congress (NC) Ram Chandra Poudel said the army of a particular party could not protect the country and country people so that Maoist army should not be integrated into Nepal Army (NA).
At a garland-offering function organized by the NC on the occasion of 95th birth anniversary of people’s leader BP Koirala at party central office at Sanepa, he claimed the nation would go towards civil war if Maoist army was integrated into NA.
Stating that neither of any agreements from 12-point understanding so far hs not stated about the integration of Maoist combatants into NA, former Minister Poudel accused Maoist of breaching consensus-based politics and showing their authoritarian tendency.
He said they are not in favour of bringing down the Maoist-led government and made it clear that they would play the role of strong opposition.
We would show the role model of opposition in democracy, he added.
NC founder people’s leader BP Koirala was the great leader endowed with genius to bring about epoch-making political changes in the country, Poudel said, adding, he would never forget BP’s substantial role in socialism movement.
Poudel officially opened the campaign of distributing general membership of the party kicked off from today.
At the programme, Vice-president Poudel including other leaders and cadres offered garland to the portrait of BP Koirala.
Meanwhile the US government has been awaiting the to-be-publicised programme and policies on personal freedom, democratic norms and values and human rights by the Government of Nepal, said Nepal Congress leader Dr Prakash Sharan Mahat.
Dr Mahat, who returned home leading a team of Nepali delegation after a week-long America visit, said the US has been eagerly watching the ongoing peace process and activities of the government in Nepal.
During the visit, the Nepali delegation met US Foreign Ministry officials, former US ambassadors and diplomats to Nepal, intellectual and civil society leaders and donor agencies and dwelt on the latest political developments in Nepal. The team had been to the country on the invitation of US University of Center for Peace.
He said a separate discussion was held with the USAID officials and ways to extend possible support to Nepal in the coming days dominated the talks. Nepal’s donor agencies were curious to know what was going on in Nepal, he added.
Constituent Assembly members Kiran Gautam and Mohammad Siddhiqui and some civil society representatives were in the delegation.
At a party members meet organized here today by NC, Tanahun on the occasion of 95the birth anniversary of people’s leader BP Koirala, he highlighted BP’s ideals and principles in the current context.
The Nepali politics has not yet been stable due to frequent attacks on democracy in one way or another, he added.
Acting President Koirala also urged party cadres to work together for the protection of peace and democracy.
Similarly in Lalitpur, Vice-president of Nepali Congress (NC) Ram Chandra Poudel said the army of a particular party could not protect the country and country people so that Maoist army should not be integrated into Nepal Army (NA).
At a garland-offering function organized by the NC on the occasion of 95th birth anniversary of people’s leader BP Koirala at party central office at Sanepa, he claimed the nation would go towards civil war if Maoist army was integrated into NA.
Stating that neither of any agreements from 12-point understanding so far hs not stated about the integration of Maoist combatants into NA, former Minister Poudel accused Maoist of breaching consensus-based politics and showing their authoritarian tendency.
He said they are not in favour of bringing down the Maoist-led government and made it clear that they would play the role of strong opposition.
We would show the role model of opposition in democracy, he added.
NC founder people’s leader BP Koirala was the great leader endowed with genius to bring about epoch-making political changes in the country, Poudel said, adding, he would never forget BP’s substantial role in socialism movement.
Poudel officially opened the campaign of distributing general membership of the party kicked off from today.
At the programme, Vice-president Poudel including other leaders and cadres offered garland to the portrait of BP Koirala.
Meanwhile the US government has been awaiting the to-be-publicised programme and policies on personal freedom, democratic norms and values and human rights by the Government of Nepal, said Nepal Congress leader Dr Prakash Sharan Mahat.
Dr Mahat, who returned home leading a team of Nepali delegation after a week-long America visit, said the US has been eagerly watching the ongoing peace process and activities of the government in Nepal.
During the visit, the Nepali delegation met US Foreign Ministry officials, former US ambassadors and diplomats to Nepal, intellectual and civil society leaders and donor agencies and dwelt on the latest political developments in Nepal. The team had been to the country on the invitation of US University of Center for Peace.
He said a separate discussion was held with the USAID officials and ways to extend possible support to Nepal in the coming days dominated the talks. Nepal’s donor agencies were curious to know what was going on in Nepal, he added.
Constituent Assembly members Kiran Gautam and Mohammad Siddhiqui and some civil society representatives were in the delegation.
Gyanendra discusses political situation with loyalists
Kathmandu, Aug 21: Deposed King Gyanendra held "political consultations" with his loyalists to discuss current political developments in Nepal at his residence here.
The ex-King had arranged a separate place at Nirmal Niwas to facilitate consultations about present political situation in the country with his loyalists, came to attend 81st birth day party of ex-Queen mother Ratna Shah yesterday, a national daily reported.
Gyanendra had serious talks with members of the erstwhile royal cabinet, his loyalists and former security chiefs, including former Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa and former army chief Pyarjung Thapa.
The former King, who is currently staying at government-owned Nagarjuna holiday home, also expressed concern about their residence and facilities after the Maoists government was formed, the daily stated.
When contacted a staff of the former King confirmed about the birth day party but did not reveal the guest list. Ex-Queen Komal, her daughter-in-law Himani and other family members had also attended the party hosted by Rajiv Shahi, the son-in law of Gyanendra's younger brother and one of the survivors of June 2001 Royal Palace massacre, the daily said.
The former king had been living a quiet life after the abolition of monarchy in Nepal on May 28. Bureau Report http://www.zeenews.com/articles.asp?aid=463579&sid=SAS
The ex-King had arranged a separate place at Nirmal Niwas to facilitate consultations about present political situation in the country with his loyalists, came to attend 81st birth day party of ex-Queen mother Ratna Shah yesterday, a national daily reported.
Gyanendra had serious talks with members of the erstwhile royal cabinet, his loyalists and former security chiefs, including former Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa and former army chief Pyarjung Thapa.
The former King, who is currently staying at government-owned Nagarjuna holiday home, also expressed concern about their residence and facilities after the Maoists government was formed, the daily stated.
When contacted a staff of the former King confirmed about the birth day party but did not reveal the guest list. Ex-Queen Komal, her daughter-in-law Himani and other family members had also attended the party hosted by Rajiv Shahi, the son-in law of Gyanendra's younger brother and one of the survivors of June 2001 Royal Palace massacre, the daily said.
The former king had been living a quiet life after the abolition of monarchy in Nepal on May 28. Bureau Report http://www.zeenews.com/articles.asp?aid=463579&sid=SAS
Why Indian Ambassador met Nepal's ex-monarch
TGW - A belated news report published in a weekly newspaper quoting sources at the Soaltee Crown Plaza Hotel in Kathmandu has it that Nepal’s ex-King Gyanendra and Indian Ambassador to Nepal Mr. Rakesh Sood had met some three weeks back.
The meetings in series took place at the most expensive suite of the Five Star Hotel in Kathmandu.
“Both the meetings took place in the evening”, writes Sanghu Vernacular Weekly dated September 8, 2008 quoting Hotel Staffers as saying.
“The first day of the meeting lasted merely fifteen minutes nevertheless the second day meeting lasted for well over two hours”.
What transpired between the two is yet a mystery? And why they met twice is also not less intriguing?
As per the report, the meeting between Ex-King Gyanendra and Ambassador Sood was arranged by none other that the director of Soaltee Hotel and a close friend of the ex-King himself, Mr. Prabhakar Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana. Mr. Rana is a business partner of the ex-King as well.
"The first meeting ended over a cup of tea, however, the second meeting continued for well over two hours with Whiskey and a lavish dinner served", writes Sanghu further.
Interestingly, Ambassador Sood who is constantly being snubbed by South-Block establishment in New Delhi for his erratic activities in Nepal has out of sheer frustration increased cigarette smoking, and ex-King Gyanendra too has reasons a plenty to get frustrated and thus smokes more than usual…both within the span of fifteen minutes smoked not less than ten cigarettes from the Pack of Surya Gold, writes the paper referring to the first meeting.
“Some carefully chosen Hotel staffers had served the two maverick politicians”.
Report adds Prabhakar Shumsher Rana was not present in the exclusive tête-à-tête between Nepal’s ex-ruler and the powerful Indian diplomat.
However, Mr. Rana, reports add, had met Rakesh Sood over a dinner few days earlier in order to arrange this exclusive meet between the two. 2008-09-08 07:30:21
The meetings in series took place at the most expensive suite of the Five Star Hotel in Kathmandu.
“Both the meetings took place in the evening”, writes Sanghu Vernacular Weekly dated September 8, 2008 quoting Hotel Staffers as saying.
“The first day of the meeting lasted merely fifteen minutes nevertheless the second day meeting lasted for well over two hours”.
What transpired between the two is yet a mystery? And why they met twice is also not less intriguing?
As per the report, the meeting between Ex-King Gyanendra and Ambassador Sood was arranged by none other that the director of Soaltee Hotel and a close friend of the ex-King himself, Mr. Prabhakar Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana. Mr. Rana is a business partner of the ex-King as well.
"The first meeting ended over a cup of tea, however, the second meeting continued for well over two hours with Whiskey and a lavish dinner served", writes Sanghu further.
Interestingly, Ambassador Sood who is constantly being snubbed by South-Block establishment in New Delhi for his erratic activities in Nepal has out of sheer frustration increased cigarette smoking, and ex-King Gyanendra too has reasons a plenty to get frustrated and thus smokes more than usual…both within the span of fifteen minutes smoked not less than ten cigarettes from the Pack of Surya Gold, writes the paper referring to the first meeting.
“Some carefully chosen Hotel staffers had served the two maverick politicians”.
Report adds Prabhakar Shumsher Rana was not present in the exclusive tête-à-tête between Nepal’s ex-ruler and the powerful Indian diplomat.
However, Mr. Rana, reports add, had met Rakesh Sood over a dinner few days earlier in order to arrange this exclusive meet between the two. 2008-09-08 07:30:21
Nepal’s ex-King between the liberals and radicals
TGW - Nepal’s Ex-Monarch Gyanendra Shah who all of a sudden has been hitting the media headlines in Nepal has decided finally to move out of the Nagarjun Palace.
The Nagarjun Palace is situated some eight kilometers North-West of Kathmandu.
The Janaastha Weekly dated September 10, 2008 reports that ex-King will move to his original residence Nirmal Niwas, which he decided to do so after the formation of the Maoists’ led government.
The newly formed Maoists’ led government had recently said that the Nagarjun Palace was given to the ex-monarch on a temporary basis.
“Currently the Nirmal Nivas is undergoing renovations” adds Janaaastha.
The ex-King who almost three weeks back met with the Indian ambassador to Nepal Rakesh Sood and later reportedly met with the Prime Minister of Nepal Pushpa Kamal Dahal is on high demand from the Nepali Congress quarters as well.
A frustrated ex-Prime Minister Koirala who has concluded that he was cheated by the Maoists leadership time and again and that is why he has been, say sources, is in close contact with the former King.
Koirala concludes that the ex-king was still a force and could be counted to challenge the Maoists totalitarian attitude.
Interestingly, only a week back say media reports PM Dahal had a secret meeting with the ex-Monarch, where in the two decided to work in tandem to form a patriotic front.
PM Dahal perhaps also needs the ex-king’s substantial support to face the Koirala challenge.
Analysts remain puzzled as to how come so soon a defunct monarch would be a chum of both the liberals and the radicals?
The side King Gyanendra prefers to take will definitely be weightier than the other, if he really is a formidable force to reckon with?
However, staunch royalist suggest the King not to get carried away by the two opposing ideologies because it were the adherents of these two philosophies which dismantled the two hundred forty yeas long history of Nepali monarchy.
2008-09-10 10:23:45
The Nagarjun Palace is situated some eight kilometers North-West of Kathmandu.
The Janaastha Weekly dated September 10, 2008 reports that ex-King will move to his original residence Nirmal Niwas, which he decided to do so after the formation of the Maoists’ led government.
The newly formed Maoists’ led government had recently said that the Nagarjun Palace was given to the ex-monarch on a temporary basis.
“Currently the Nirmal Nivas is undergoing renovations” adds Janaaastha.
The ex-King who almost three weeks back met with the Indian ambassador to Nepal Rakesh Sood and later reportedly met with the Prime Minister of Nepal Pushpa Kamal Dahal is on high demand from the Nepali Congress quarters as well.
A frustrated ex-Prime Minister Koirala who has concluded that he was cheated by the Maoists leadership time and again and that is why he has been, say sources, is in close contact with the former King.
Koirala concludes that the ex-king was still a force and could be counted to challenge the Maoists totalitarian attitude.
Interestingly, only a week back say media reports PM Dahal had a secret meeting with the ex-Monarch, where in the two decided to work in tandem to form a patriotic front.
PM Dahal perhaps also needs the ex-king’s substantial support to face the Koirala challenge.
Analysts remain puzzled as to how come so soon a defunct monarch would be a chum of both the liberals and the radicals?
The side King Gyanendra prefers to take will definitely be weightier than the other, if he really is a formidable force to reckon with?
However, staunch royalist suggest the King not to get carried away by the two opposing ideologies because it were the adherents of these two philosophies which dismantled the two hundred forty yeas long history of Nepali monarchy.
2008-09-10 10:23:45
Problems facing Constituent Assembly
By DR KHAGENDRA N SHARMA
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=160296
It has been four months since the Constituent Assembly (CA) was formally announced. But not a single word of the constitution has been written yet. It is true that the country was declared a republic in the first session of the CA, but it was just a formalization of a decision already made by the Interim Legislative-Parliament. So, the CA cannot claim the credit for the termination of the monarchy. The CA has created the posts of president and vice-president of the republic, but it is still an interim arrangement and the powers and functions of these posts will have to be redefined in the context of the new constitution. Thus, the whole function of writing a new constitution remains unattended.
There are two different types of problems facing the CA and both of them are of a serious nature. The first problem consists of the processual aspects of the constitution making -- the how part of it. It is reported that some rules have been finalized regarding the processual aspects like forming different committees through which the ideas will filter culminating in the provisions of the constitution. Much time will be needed to pass through all the committees. Apart from that, ample field work will have to be done to ascertain and analyze the views of the people at the grassroots. These ideas will have to be articulated thoroughly in the CA and placed in the hands of skilful constitutional experts to convert into appropriate provisions of the constitution.
The CA has been too large and unwieldy a body to articulate issues effectively and make decisions collectively. This aside, the CA has also to function as the Legislative-Parliament. It is a pity that the legislative part will consume a significant portion of the two years time in which the constitution has to be completed. So, the CA will have only a small part of the allotted time.
Given the fractured coalition, there will be numerous differences of thoughts among the parties, both within and without the coalition partners. The incongruous make-up of the fractured coalition will be naturally reflected in the CA. The decisions are expected to be unanimous in an ideal situation, but it is very unlikely in the present situation, given the protracted bargaining in the whole political process. So, decisions are expected to be made, if at all, simply by the required two-thirds majority.
The second problem is substantive, subject-matter questions pertaining to the various aspects of the body of the proposed constitution. These problems are so serious that it is inconceivable that the constitution can be made in the limited given time. The most problematic and difficult issues are those regarding the restructuring of the state. It has been promised that Nepal will be a federal state. Sentimentally, it is a fine promise, but there is no uniform concept of the federation. Before and during the CA election, all the parties talked of the federal structure for future Nepal, but no party except the CPN (Maoist) had even a vague concept of the proposed federation. The Maoists had proposed a distinct federal structure, but it has raised more questions than probable answers and it will be difficult to sell the concept to all the parties for the following reasons.
The Maoists had raised a general awakening among the masses for the concept of the federation during the decade-long conflict, but the concept was understood, articulated and popularized by different communities very differently during the interim period leading to the CA election.
In most of the cases, there has been ethnic orientation, but language had also played a big part in sensitizing the people. If these two criteria are accepted as the basis of federalizing the state, then there will be more than a hundred units to be federated. That will be simply unimaginable. Then there is the bigger criterion of space or geographical divisions. But geography does not go by homogenous ethnicity, linguistics or cultural factors.
The tarai movement has strongly voiced the concept of one Madhes. It has raised several potentially dangerous issues. If the topography of the country is to be taken as the criterion of breaking the state, there will be three major types -- the flat plains, the high mountains and the moderate hills in the middle. Taking cue from the Madhes call, the communities in the high mountains have already started to make claims for a mountainous state all along the north. The mid-hills have not yet raised such a demand but given the logic, it is in the pipeline. Thus, physically there will be three units to be federated. But this logic will negate the other more applicable criteria of ethnicity and linguistics.
Ethnically, too, there have been various claims, with the Limbuwan claim being the loudest. It has even started to have a parallel government in the east. In the name of ethnicity, it has overstepped into another ethnic jurisdiction in the south.
Similarly, the call for one Madhes oversteps several ethnic communities with distinctly different cultural, linguistic and other forms of identities inside the flat tarai itself. One basic flaw of the ethnic or linguistic logic is that several communities have no specific territorial base and are spread throughout the country. The basic flaw of the geographic logic is that it ignores the other vital social criteria of ethnicity, linguistics and cultural identity.
If the issue of an acceptable federal structure is arrived at, there will be several issues of distribution of power and resources. Too much of power in the centre will be resented by the units and too much of power in the units will result either in a weak nation state or it may lead to tendencies in the units to secede from the nation state. Making adequate safeguards will require great national perseverance before the constitution is finalized.
Another major issue to be resolved in the new constitution is the question of fair representation. There are over a hundred different communities -- large or small in size -- but with distinct identity all the same. All will have to be satisfactorily accommodated. This issue is different from the ethnic or geographic issue: it refers to issues of gender, minority, marginalized groups, under-representation and so on. These issues have been voiced very vociferously, without arriving at a suitable solution during the interim period.
Apart from the division between the units and the central state, there are serious issues regarding the form of government: whether Nepal should adopt a parliamentary or presidential form of government both at the central and at the unit levels. If it prefers to have the parliamentary form, should the parliament retain control over the executive or should the PM have the power to dissolve the parliament and hold fresh election as in the past? If Nepal should have a presidential form of government, how will the president remain accountable to the parliament?
The above is not an exhaustive list of serious issues, but the purpose of this writer is to indicate how serious is the work ahead. From the way the CA has been moving, one can suspect that a wholesome product of a constitution can be accomplished in the given timeframe of two years out of which more than four months have already elapsed without framing a single article of the constitution.
Time is an important factor, but even more important factor is the seriousness in the leadership of the big parties which are still struggling to establish supremacy over each other. If this wrangling is not stopped, the sovereign people may again give a clarion call for another political uprising.
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=160296
It has been four months since the Constituent Assembly (CA) was formally announced. But not a single word of the constitution has been written yet. It is true that the country was declared a republic in the first session of the CA, but it was just a formalization of a decision already made by the Interim Legislative-Parliament. So, the CA cannot claim the credit for the termination of the monarchy. The CA has created the posts of president and vice-president of the republic, but it is still an interim arrangement and the powers and functions of these posts will have to be redefined in the context of the new constitution. Thus, the whole function of writing a new constitution remains unattended.
There are two different types of problems facing the CA and both of them are of a serious nature. The first problem consists of the processual aspects of the constitution making -- the how part of it. It is reported that some rules have been finalized regarding the processual aspects like forming different committees through which the ideas will filter culminating in the provisions of the constitution. Much time will be needed to pass through all the committees. Apart from that, ample field work will have to be done to ascertain and analyze the views of the people at the grassroots. These ideas will have to be articulated thoroughly in the CA and placed in the hands of skilful constitutional experts to convert into appropriate provisions of the constitution.
The CA has been too large and unwieldy a body to articulate issues effectively and make decisions collectively. This aside, the CA has also to function as the Legislative-Parliament. It is a pity that the legislative part will consume a significant portion of the two years time in which the constitution has to be completed. So, the CA will have only a small part of the allotted time.
Given the fractured coalition, there will be numerous differences of thoughts among the parties, both within and without the coalition partners. The incongruous make-up of the fractured coalition will be naturally reflected in the CA. The decisions are expected to be unanimous in an ideal situation, but it is very unlikely in the present situation, given the protracted bargaining in the whole political process. So, decisions are expected to be made, if at all, simply by the required two-thirds majority.
The second problem is substantive, subject-matter questions pertaining to the various aspects of the body of the proposed constitution. These problems are so serious that it is inconceivable that the constitution can be made in the limited given time. The most problematic and difficult issues are those regarding the restructuring of the state. It has been promised that Nepal will be a federal state. Sentimentally, it is a fine promise, but there is no uniform concept of the federation. Before and during the CA election, all the parties talked of the federal structure for future Nepal, but no party except the CPN (Maoist) had even a vague concept of the proposed federation. The Maoists had proposed a distinct federal structure, but it has raised more questions than probable answers and it will be difficult to sell the concept to all the parties for the following reasons.
The Maoists had raised a general awakening among the masses for the concept of the federation during the decade-long conflict, but the concept was understood, articulated and popularized by different communities very differently during the interim period leading to the CA election.
In most of the cases, there has been ethnic orientation, but language had also played a big part in sensitizing the people. If these two criteria are accepted as the basis of federalizing the state, then there will be more than a hundred units to be federated. That will be simply unimaginable. Then there is the bigger criterion of space or geographical divisions. But geography does not go by homogenous ethnicity, linguistics or cultural factors.
The tarai movement has strongly voiced the concept of one Madhes. It has raised several potentially dangerous issues. If the topography of the country is to be taken as the criterion of breaking the state, there will be three major types -- the flat plains, the high mountains and the moderate hills in the middle. Taking cue from the Madhes call, the communities in the high mountains have already started to make claims for a mountainous state all along the north. The mid-hills have not yet raised such a demand but given the logic, it is in the pipeline. Thus, physically there will be three units to be federated. But this logic will negate the other more applicable criteria of ethnicity and linguistics.
Ethnically, too, there have been various claims, with the Limbuwan claim being the loudest. It has even started to have a parallel government in the east. In the name of ethnicity, it has overstepped into another ethnic jurisdiction in the south.
Similarly, the call for one Madhes oversteps several ethnic communities with distinctly different cultural, linguistic and other forms of identities inside the flat tarai itself. One basic flaw of the ethnic or linguistic logic is that several communities have no specific territorial base and are spread throughout the country. The basic flaw of the geographic logic is that it ignores the other vital social criteria of ethnicity, linguistics and cultural identity.
If the issue of an acceptable federal structure is arrived at, there will be several issues of distribution of power and resources. Too much of power in the centre will be resented by the units and too much of power in the units will result either in a weak nation state or it may lead to tendencies in the units to secede from the nation state. Making adequate safeguards will require great national perseverance before the constitution is finalized.
Another major issue to be resolved in the new constitution is the question of fair representation. There are over a hundred different communities -- large or small in size -- but with distinct identity all the same. All will have to be satisfactorily accommodated. This issue is different from the ethnic or geographic issue: it refers to issues of gender, minority, marginalized groups, under-representation and so on. These issues have been voiced very vociferously, without arriving at a suitable solution during the interim period.
Apart from the division between the units and the central state, there are serious issues regarding the form of government: whether Nepal should adopt a parliamentary or presidential form of government both at the central and at the unit levels. If it prefers to have the parliamentary form, should the parliament retain control over the executive or should the PM have the power to dissolve the parliament and hold fresh election as in the past? If Nepal should have a presidential form of government, how will the president remain accountable to the parliament?
The above is not an exhaustive list of serious issues, but the purpose of this writer is to indicate how serious is the work ahead. From the way the CA has been moving, one can suspect that a wholesome product of a constitution can be accomplished in the given timeframe of two years out of which more than four months have already elapsed without framing a single article of the constitution.
Time is an important factor, but even more important factor is the seriousness in the leadership of the big parties which are still struggling to establish supremacy over each other. If this wrangling is not stopped, the sovereign people may again give a clarion call for another political uprising.
RPP-N believes monarchy can be restored in Nepal
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 12 - Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPP-N) that supported former King Gyanendra during the royal takeover, on Friday, said that there is an increased chance that the monarchy would be restored in the country.
Addressing the national conference of the party, leaders said ignorance of former Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and the Maoists’ stupidity were responsible for the end of Monarchy in Nepal.
Party Chairman Kamal Thapa said, “With the dawn of republic and the fall of monarchy, the existence of the country itself is in peril.”
Other leaders stressed on the need of democracy that would involve the former king also despite the republican set up.
Meanwhile, mimicking the Maoists, the CPN-UML and some other parties, the RPP-N said that it would form its youth wing soon.
Posted on: 2008-09-12 08:44:34 (Server Time
KATHMANDU, Sept 12 - Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPP-N) that supported former King Gyanendra during the royal takeover, on Friday, said that there is an increased chance that the monarchy would be restored in the country.
Addressing the national conference of the party, leaders said ignorance of former Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and the Maoists’ stupidity were responsible for the end of Monarchy in Nepal.
Party Chairman Kamal Thapa said, “With the dawn of republic and the fall of monarchy, the existence of the country itself is in peril.”
Other leaders stressed on the need of democracy that would involve the former king also despite the republican set up.
Meanwhile, mimicking the Maoists, the CPN-UML and some other parties, the RPP-N said that it would form its youth wing soon.
Posted on: 2008-09-12 08:44:34 (Server Time
Saturday, September 6, 2008
Nepali Congress witnessing demands for leadership change
http://www.ptinews.com/pti%5Cptisite.nsf/0/232B5A6CB87AB301652574B8004EC41A?OpenDocument
Kathmandu, Sep 2 (PTI) Nepali Congress, once the largest party in the country which lost ground to Maoists in the recent polls, is focussing on an organisational revamp amid calls for a new leadership that could steer it towards a fresh direction in a more competitive political atmosphere.The eight-day long central committee meeting of the NC saw majority of the members voicing demands for a leadership change, party sources said here today.The NC, which was in the forefront of the 2006 popular uprising against now-deposed King Gyanendra, was pushed to the second spot by the Maoists in April 10 Constituent Assembly elections. It decided to sit in the opposition following differences with Maoists on power-sharing but succeeded in installing party nominee Ram Baran Yadav as Nepal's President.During the meeting that began Monday, some Central leaders also mooted a collective leadership, involving top leaders like Ramchandra Paudyal, Shushil Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba, the sources said.NC chief and former prime minister G P Koirala, who is in his eighties, has been facing health problems for long.The party's central members also expressed the view that NC lost the April election due to organisational weaknesses.They urged the leadership to call the general convention, which is authorised to change the leadership of the party, by April next year. The general body has some 1,500 members and its meeting is convened every three years. PTI
Kathmandu, Sep 2 (PTI) Nepali Congress, once the largest party in the country which lost ground to Maoists in the recent polls, is focussing on an organisational revamp amid calls for a new leadership that could steer it towards a fresh direction in a more competitive political atmosphere.The eight-day long central committee meeting of the NC saw majority of the members voicing demands for a leadership change, party sources said here today.The NC, which was in the forefront of the 2006 popular uprising against now-deposed King Gyanendra, was pushed to the second spot by the Maoists in April 10 Constituent Assembly elections. It decided to sit in the opposition following differences with Maoists on power-sharing but succeeded in installing party nominee Ram Baran Yadav as Nepal's President.During the meeting that began Monday, some Central leaders also mooted a collective leadership, involving top leaders like Ramchandra Paudyal, Shushil Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba, the sources said.NC chief and former prime minister G P Koirala, who is in his eighties, has been facing health problems for long.The party's central members also expressed the view that NC lost the April election due to organisational weaknesses.They urged the leadership to call the general convention, which is authorised to change the leadership of the party, by April next year. The general body has some 1,500 members and its meeting is convened every three years. PTI
The Maoist Government will not last long - Govinda raj Joshi
Govinda Raj Joshi - Central Committee member, Nepali Congress
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4003
Govinda Raj Joshi, a Nepali Congress Central Committee member was born in the year 1949 at Khalte in Rupakot Village Development Committee of Tanahun district.
Mr. Joshi holds a MA degree in the Political Science discipline.
His step into the field of politics dates back to the year 1964 when Joshi had just begun his student life. Joshi who regards late B.P Koirala as his ideal was the president of free students union (College of Education) and Gandaki Students Council.
Joshi was a member of Tarun Dal-the youth wing of Nepali Congress Party in the year 1969, secretary of Nepali Congress, Tanahun in 2033, secretary of multiparty campaign committee of the Nepali Congress Party in 1979, the vice- president of Nepali Congress Party, Tanahun district and eventually made it to the central committee member of the party in the year 1997.
Likewise, Mr. Joshi was elected as central committee member of the party in the year 2000. Twice a central committee member, Mr. Joshi has already held the post of a joint general secretary of the party. He actively worked as a coordinator while the construction of the Nepali Congress Party Building was underway at Sanepa, Lalitpur. (Courtesy: Wikipedia)
TGQ1: Mr. Joshi you have been leading the “dissatisfied faction” in the Nepali Congress Camp. Why you have been demanding the call for an early party general assembly?
Mr. Joshi: Our demand for the time being is only to declare fresh dates for the party general assembly. It is my firm belief that the existing problems within the party will be resolved and thus unity restored in the party after holding the general assembly.
We do recognize that the party is undergoing unprecedented crisis currently. Thus declaring fresh dates for the general assembly and democratically discussing issues in contention is the only way to restore party’s lost glories and democratic credentials. Thus I along with majority of my party colleagues in the central committee have been demanding immediately calling the party’s General Assembly.
But the CC so far seems to have ignored your demand?
I have always said that the Nepali Congress as the country’s single Democratic Party should break all its relations with the Maoists. I have also been saying that the Nepali Congress should play the role of an active opposition in the Constituent Assembly. I always believed that the Nepali Congress being the only Democratic Party and also a party of the liberals with its glorious past should not have joined the government with the extreme Left Party such as the Maoists. Look what has happened now. We have stopped working with the Maoists and now we are in the opposition. If we would have continued the alliance with the Maoists, the Nepali Congress would have disappeared from the political scene altogether.
B.P. Koirala never ever tried to establish any relations with the Communists. He even rejected the proposals of liberal communist leaders of the likes of Pushpalal Pradhan and Manmohan Adhikari to work together. Because he knew that if Nepali Congress works with the Communists, the NC will loose its identity once and for all.
This is what we have been saying in public and also within the party itself---which has come to true in the recent past. More specifically, in the last two years what I and my friends have said have become cent per cent true. Visualizing the past and our predictions becoming true, I firmly believe that the Nepali Congress leadership does not have the moral to ignore our demands. Our demand has become the voice of two hundred thousand Nepali Congress cadres. The party high command must understand our mood for the GA properly and declare fresh dates.
TGQ2: The Nepali Congress in its entire political history has never been so weak as it is now, say some political analysts. In you opinion, Mr. Joshi, Change in the party leadership or even looking for an alternative to Girija Prasad Koirala, what may bring good results for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: I slightly differ with you in that the party itself is still and will remain very strong in the future but I accept that the party management has been the weakest at the moment in its entire history. Nevertheless, Nepali Congress is the oldest and the biggest party. Undermining Nepali Congress’s political influence in the country could be a big mistake for the critics.
The fact is that the party president Girija Babu has become very old and is weak as well. The NC management under his command could not perform its tasks well as was demanded. And it is this management that brought the party to this weakened state. But Girija Babu is still adamant. It seems he is yet to learn lessons from the blunders and the follies he has committed. He still believes that the Nepali Congress can still run under his whims. Koirala and his ilk do not want to hold the party general assembly at the earliest instead they want it delayed further.
Nevertheless, we have been strongly forwarding the idea of holding the GA as soon as possible which would ultimately ensure that the party command will go to a group leadership but not any more the party’s affairs can become the exclusive prerogative of a person as such. I have time and again told the party leadership that the group leadership is the only viable option to regain the lost grounds of the party in Nepali politics. How to proceed with the agenda of a group leadership and to outline the role of the group leadership shall be discussed within the party in the days ahead. If we do not move in this direction the Nepali Congress could face further challenges in the national level politics.
Regarding the question on changing the leadership—the issue will be dealt within the General Assembly. It is the exclusive right of the Nepali Congress cadres to choose the central leadership. The group leadership thus takes over the personal leadership and the smaller factions within the Nepali Congress will automatically cease to exist.
But tell you very frankly Koirala is still our supreme leader but the party affairs can no longer run at the helms of his leadership. It is his self decision whether he wants to take a rest after the General Assembly meeting or continue serving the party. After the GA, the party will chose a different leadership as there is also the provision that a single person cannot continue third time in office as the president of the party.
Koirala is a complete failure for the party, is this you want to say precisely?
Not at all. In his leadership the party has traversed a comfortable distance. He is already 85 years old. We have no one to lead the party after him. This is the problem. Be it the Peoples’ Uprising or the CA elections, such historical events did take place under his leadership. We cannot call him a failed politician.
TGQ3: How you assessed the unthought-of CA election defeat for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: The Nepali Congress Central Committee is solely responsible for the CA election defeat. To a large extent it is due to some selfish leaders who were in the government and also very close to the Maoists-they ensured that the party did not win the election. It is because of their ill intention the party had to face the unexpected result. They gave the impression that the two communists, the UML and the Maoists, will fight for their seats in the election which will bode positive results for the NC party. No efforts were put in place to take control over the deteriorating security situation.
What prospect is there for the NC in the opposition?
Look we are actually the government in the waiting. The Maoists government in all likelihood will not see the light of the day. This Maoist led government can not steer the nation properly. This is the time we should be very active and regain out lost grounds by rebuilding our grass root contacts. The role in opposition should be taken as an opportunity gained not opportunity lost.
TGQ4: You said that the government cannot continue for long. Is it that the Nepali Congress will do everything possible in order not to let the government function?
Mr. Joshi: Everybody has noticed that the political wrangling is already troubling the common men. Some of the alliance partners are busy raising protocol issue and some time they are not satisfied with the ministry they are awarded with. These are petty issues yet could impact the country heavily. The point here is that the alliance that is leading the nation currently if remains heavily involved in political skirmishes how it can perform the job of the nation and the people?
To your second question, let me make you clear that it is not our job to make or break a government. Our role as the opposition this time around will be a very positive one. Our response depends on the government’s performances.
Is there a threat the country falling into the complete Communist grip?
I do not think that it will happen. The communists have accepted the democratic polity. To tell you frankly the UML is not at all a Communist Party. When we talk of the Leftists, we now refer to the extreme left. You will see that the Maoists, time permitting will become very similar to the UML.
Take it for granted, the country will rather fall into the fold of the real democratic forces very soon.
The current government is, say experts, tiled more to China, what say you?
You are right. The government till the day before seemed to have acquired the China tilt. You will see few weeks later it will be India tilted. In reality it cannot stand tall…this government. The problem with this government is that it is not built on a strong foundation. Thus it keeps on vibrating form one point to the other.
TGQ5: You took differing views on several matters in the Nepali Congress and also led the “dissatisfied faction” in the party. What say you now?
Mr. Joshi: Do not get entangled with the dissatisfaction we have from the party leadership to that of leading the non-existent dissatisfied faction in the party. We are firm on what we speak and on our ideology thus we are called the dissatisfied because our stature is rigid.
Our point is only that the NC should not join the government at the moment. It is the time that the NC takes to the path of internal reforms, regaining our lost grounds should be the top priority and also we should fight for the complete democracy. We must fulfill the promises we have made to our people. In reality, there is no other party that speaks in favor of the people other than the Nepali Congress. It is only natural that some time we face some ideological ups and downs and also face problems in managing the party affairs and thus we take it as a high time to correct our mistakes, we stay out of the government and sort out our internal problems.(Courtesy: Janbhawana Weekly, Nepal)
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4003
Govinda Raj Joshi, a Nepali Congress Central Committee member was born in the year 1949 at Khalte in Rupakot Village Development Committee of Tanahun district.
Mr. Joshi holds a MA degree in the Political Science discipline.
His step into the field of politics dates back to the year 1964 when Joshi had just begun his student life. Joshi who regards late B.P Koirala as his ideal was the president of free students union (College of Education) and Gandaki Students Council.
Joshi was a member of Tarun Dal-the youth wing of Nepali Congress Party in the year 1969, secretary of Nepali Congress, Tanahun in 2033, secretary of multiparty campaign committee of the Nepali Congress Party in 1979, the vice- president of Nepali Congress Party, Tanahun district and eventually made it to the central committee member of the party in the year 1997.
Likewise, Mr. Joshi was elected as central committee member of the party in the year 2000. Twice a central committee member, Mr. Joshi has already held the post of a joint general secretary of the party. He actively worked as a coordinator while the construction of the Nepali Congress Party Building was underway at Sanepa, Lalitpur. (Courtesy: Wikipedia)
TGQ1: Mr. Joshi you have been leading the “dissatisfied faction” in the Nepali Congress Camp. Why you have been demanding the call for an early party general assembly?
Mr. Joshi: Our demand for the time being is only to declare fresh dates for the party general assembly. It is my firm belief that the existing problems within the party will be resolved and thus unity restored in the party after holding the general assembly.
We do recognize that the party is undergoing unprecedented crisis currently. Thus declaring fresh dates for the general assembly and democratically discussing issues in contention is the only way to restore party’s lost glories and democratic credentials. Thus I along with majority of my party colleagues in the central committee have been demanding immediately calling the party’s General Assembly.
But the CC so far seems to have ignored your demand?
I have always said that the Nepali Congress as the country’s single Democratic Party should break all its relations with the Maoists. I have also been saying that the Nepali Congress should play the role of an active opposition in the Constituent Assembly. I always believed that the Nepali Congress being the only Democratic Party and also a party of the liberals with its glorious past should not have joined the government with the extreme Left Party such as the Maoists. Look what has happened now. We have stopped working with the Maoists and now we are in the opposition. If we would have continued the alliance with the Maoists, the Nepali Congress would have disappeared from the political scene altogether.
B.P. Koirala never ever tried to establish any relations with the Communists. He even rejected the proposals of liberal communist leaders of the likes of Pushpalal Pradhan and Manmohan Adhikari to work together. Because he knew that if Nepali Congress works with the Communists, the NC will loose its identity once and for all.
This is what we have been saying in public and also within the party itself---which has come to true in the recent past. More specifically, in the last two years what I and my friends have said have become cent per cent true. Visualizing the past and our predictions becoming true, I firmly believe that the Nepali Congress leadership does not have the moral to ignore our demands. Our demand has become the voice of two hundred thousand Nepali Congress cadres. The party high command must understand our mood for the GA properly and declare fresh dates.
TGQ2: The Nepali Congress in its entire political history has never been so weak as it is now, say some political analysts. In you opinion, Mr. Joshi, Change in the party leadership or even looking for an alternative to Girija Prasad Koirala, what may bring good results for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: I slightly differ with you in that the party itself is still and will remain very strong in the future but I accept that the party management has been the weakest at the moment in its entire history. Nevertheless, Nepali Congress is the oldest and the biggest party. Undermining Nepali Congress’s political influence in the country could be a big mistake for the critics.
The fact is that the party president Girija Babu has become very old and is weak as well. The NC management under his command could not perform its tasks well as was demanded. And it is this management that brought the party to this weakened state. But Girija Babu is still adamant. It seems he is yet to learn lessons from the blunders and the follies he has committed. He still believes that the Nepali Congress can still run under his whims. Koirala and his ilk do not want to hold the party general assembly at the earliest instead they want it delayed further.
Nevertheless, we have been strongly forwarding the idea of holding the GA as soon as possible which would ultimately ensure that the party command will go to a group leadership but not any more the party’s affairs can become the exclusive prerogative of a person as such. I have time and again told the party leadership that the group leadership is the only viable option to regain the lost grounds of the party in Nepali politics. How to proceed with the agenda of a group leadership and to outline the role of the group leadership shall be discussed within the party in the days ahead. If we do not move in this direction the Nepali Congress could face further challenges in the national level politics.
Regarding the question on changing the leadership—the issue will be dealt within the General Assembly. It is the exclusive right of the Nepali Congress cadres to choose the central leadership. The group leadership thus takes over the personal leadership and the smaller factions within the Nepali Congress will automatically cease to exist.
But tell you very frankly Koirala is still our supreme leader but the party affairs can no longer run at the helms of his leadership. It is his self decision whether he wants to take a rest after the General Assembly meeting or continue serving the party. After the GA, the party will chose a different leadership as there is also the provision that a single person cannot continue third time in office as the president of the party.
Koirala is a complete failure for the party, is this you want to say precisely?
Not at all. In his leadership the party has traversed a comfortable distance. He is already 85 years old. We have no one to lead the party after him. This is the problem. Be it the Peoples’ Uprising or the CA elections, such historical events did take place under his leadership. We cannot call him a failed politician.
TGQ3: How you assessed the unthought-of CA election defeat for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: The Nepali Congress Central Committee is solely responsible for the CA election defeat. To a large extent it is due to some selfish leaders who were in the government and also very close to the Maoists-they ensured that the party did not win the election. It is because of their ill intention the party had to face the unexpected result. They gave the impression that the two communists, the UML and the Maoists, will fight for their seats in the election which will bode positive results for the NC party. No efforts were put in place to take control over the deteriorating security situation.
What prospect is there for the NC in the opposition?
Look we are actually the government in the waiting. The Maoists government in all likelihood will not see the light of the day. This Maoist led government can not steer the nation properly. This is the time we should be very active and regain out lost grounds by rebuilding our grass root contacts. The role in opposition should be taken as an opportunity gained not opportunity lost.
TGQ4: You said that the government cannot continue for long. Is it that the Nepali Congress will do everything possible in order not to let the government function?
Mr. Joshi: Everybody has noticed that the political wrangling is already troubling the common men. Some of the alliance partners are busy raising protocol issue and some time they are not satisfied with the ministry they are awarded with. These are petty issues yet could impact the country heavily. The point here is that the alliance that is leading the nation currently if remains heavily involved in political skirmishes how it can perform the job of the nation and the people?
To your second question, let me make you clear that it is not our job to make or break a government. Our role as the opposition this time around will be a very positive one. Our response depends on the government’s performances.
Is there a threat the country falling into the complete Communist grip?
I do not think that it will happen. The communists have accepted the democratic polity. To tell you frankly the UML is not at all a Communist Party. When we talk of the Leftists, we now refer to the extreme left. You will see that the Maoists, time permitting will become very similar to the UML.
Take it for granted, the country will rather fall into the fold of the real democratic forces very soon.
The current government is, say experts, tiled more to China, what say you?
You are right. The government till the day before seemed to have acquired the China tilt. You will see few weeks later it will be India tilted. In reality it cannot stand tall…this government. The problem with this government is that it is not built on a strong foundation. Thus it keeps on vibrating form one point to the other.
TGQ5: You took differing views on several matters in the Nepali Congress and also led the “dissatisfied faction” in the party. What say you now?
Mr. Joshi: Do not get entangled with the dissatisfaction we have from the party leadership to that of leading the non-existent dissatisfied faction in the party. We are firm on what we speak and on our ideology thus we are called the dissatisfied because our stature is rigid.
Our point is only that the NC should not join the government at the moment. It is the time that the NC takes to the path of internal reforms, regaining our lost grounds should be the top priority and also we should fight for the complete democracy. We must fulfill the promises we have made to our people. In reality, there is no other party that speaks in favor of the people other than the Nepali Congress. It is only natural that some time we face some ideological ups and downs and also face problems in managing the party affairs and thus we take it as a high time to correct our mistakes, we stay out of the government and sort out our internal problems.(Courtesy: Janbhawana Weekly, Nepal)
Tuesday, September 2, 2008
NC CWC extends tenure by one year
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=159040
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 1 - Nepali Congress (NC) Central Working Committee (CWC) on Sunday extended its tenure by a year, a day before its normal tenure was going to expire. The three-year tenure of the CWC formed through its 11th General Convention in September 2, 2005, was expiring on Monday.
The move gives continuity to the NC of not holding its general convention on time.
NC leader Laxman Prasad Ghimire said that the party has never been able to hold its general convention within three years "due to internal and external causes."
"If the party fails to hold the general convention on time, the CWC meeting can extend its tenure not exceeding two years," Ghimire said, adding, "The ongoing CWC meeting will fix the date for the 12th general convention."
Party's statement issued Sunday said the party, after Mahasamity meeting of both NC and NC-D last year, remained busy preparing for CA polls , enforcement of republican rules and election to president and prime minister, leading to its failure in holding timely convention and make necessary reforms in party structures.
Immediately after taking the decision to extend the tenure, the party has informed the Election Commission about the extention of the tenure.
In a separate decision, party also expressed serious concern over the loss of human lives and properties in different VDCs of Tanahun district recently, where at least seven people were killed due to incessant rainfalls and landslides. It requested the government, Nepal Red Cross Society and other organizations to provide relief for the landslide victims.
Posted on: 2008-08-31 19:50:59 (Server Time)
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 1 - Nepali Congress (NC) Central Working Committee (CWC) on Sunday extended its tenure by a year, a day before its normal tenure was going to expire. The three-year tenure of the CWC formed through its 11th General Convention in September 2, 2005, was expiring on Monday.
The move gives continuity to the NC of not holding its general convention on time.
NC leader Laxman Prasad Ghimire said that the party has never been able to hold its general convention within three years "due to internal and external causes."
"If the party fails to hold the general convention on time, the CWC meeting can extend its tenure not exceeding two years," Ghimire said, adding, "The ongoing CWC meeting will fix the date for the 12th general convention."
Party's statement issued Sunday said the party, after Mahasamity meeting of both NC and NC-D last year, remained busy preparing for CA polls , enforcement of republican rules and election to president and prime minister, leading to its failure in holding timely convention and make necessary reforms in party structures.
Immediately after taking the decision to extend the tenure, the party has informed the Election Commission about the extention of the tenure.
In a separate decision, party also expressed serious concern over the loss of human lives and properties in different VDCs of Tanahun district recently, where at least seven people were killed due to incessant rainfalls and landslides. It requested the government, Nepal Red Cross Society and other organizations to provide relief for the landslide victims.
Posted on: 2008-08-31 19:50:59 (Server Time)
Nepali Congress can learn a lesson from Hillary’s speech - Prakash Rimal
http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullstory.asp?filename=aFanata0sa2qzpla0Wa4wa.axamal&folder=aHaoamW&Name=Home&dtSiteDate=20080831
Kathmandu, August 30:On Wednesday Senator Hillary Clinton vowed to work to elect the man, who thwarted her presidential dreams, Barack Hussein Obama, now waiting to become the first black president of the United States. In an emotional speech she backed Obama as the Democratic party’s nominee for the presidential election, due on November 4, and appealed to her supporters to stand by Barack.
“Whether you voted for me or voted for Barack, the time is now to unite as a single party with a single purpose,” she told a party convention in Denver, Colorado.Back home, Nepal’s “oldest and largest democratic institution” — the Nepali Congress (NC) — is groping for a way forward five months after suffering a humiliating defeat in the historic CA election. The party began its Central Working Committee meeting on Monday and practically spent the entire week discussing too many different issues that centred around General Secretary Bimalendra Nidhi’s paper. Key among them are calls for the party’s re-organisation, announcement of fresh dates for the General Assembly and General Convention, revivalof collective leadership and creating an atmosphere for emotional unity.
Each speaker raised these issues that mean different things to different speakers.The CWC members need to come out of the shells in which they reside. Sooner or later, the Assembly and the Convention will have to take place to elect the party leadership. But voting a faction in and another out of the leadership ladder hardly contributes to unity in the party unless, like Hillary Clinton stated, the NC rank and file ‘unite as a single party with a single purpose’ irrespective of who wins or who loses. The thing called team spirit seems to be lacking in the NC.
What’s important at this stage is that the NC men and women pledge to stand by the party — irrespective of who they would want to see commanding the ship. Or else, rushing for a vote to choose a new team or re-elect the old guards will only prove to be a purpose defeated.In the absence of such a pledge, the party will never be able to unite emotionally or re-organise itself, even if Assembly meets within the next three months and the Council appoints a new leader in another nine months.
The CWC members better understand that re-organising a mass-based party like the NC is not as easy as it sounds. Besides, the organisation needs to attract the youth by addressing their concerns.While the NC badly needs a fresh impetus, the idea of collective leadership perhaps deserves a cold, hard look. For, collective leadership will only take the party back to square one.
Remember the triangular tussles and sabotages among and between Girija Prasad Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and late Ganesh Man Singh through the ‘90s? The jumbo CWC better understand that the lack of ‘emotional unity’ in the party is a continuation of the deep wounds the top three NC leaders inflicted on one another in their fight for supremacy at the cost of one another. What would remain of the party if history is repeated again?
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Kathmandu, August 30:On Wednesday Senator Hillary Clinton vowed to work to elect the man, who thwarted her presidential dreams, Barack Hussein Obama, now waiting to become the first black president of the United States. In an emotional speech she backed Obama as the Democratic party’s nominee for the presidential election, due on November 4, and appealed to her supporters to stand by Barack.
“Whether you voted for me or voted for Barack, the time is now to unite as a single party with a single purpose,” she told a party convention in Denver, Colorado.Back home, Nepal’s “oldest and largest democratic institution” — the Nepali Congress (NC) — is groping for a way forward five months after suffering a humiliating defeat in the historic CA election. The party began its Central Working Committee meeting on Monday and practically spent the entire week discussing too many different issues that centred around General Secretary Bimalendra Nidhi’s paper. Key among them are calls for the party’s re-organisation, announcement of fresh dates for the General Assembly and General Convention, revivalof collective leadership and creating an atmosphere for emotional unity.
Each speaker raised these issues that mean different things to different speakers.The CWC members need to come out of the shells in which they reside. Sooner or later, the Assembly and the Convention will have to take place to elect the party leadership. But voting a faction in and another out of the leadership ladder hardly contributes to unity in the party unless, like Hillary Clinton stated, the NC rank and file ‘unite as a single party with a single purpose’ irrespective of who wins or who loses. The thing called team spirit seems to be lacking in the NC.
What’s important at this stage is that the NC men and women pledge to stand by the party — irrespective of who they would want to see commanding the ship. Or else, rushing for a vote to choose a new team or re-elect the old guards will only prove to be a purpose defeated.In the absence of such a pledge, the party will never be able to unite emotionally or re-organise itself, even if Assembly meets within the next three months and the Council appoints a new leader in another nine months.
The CWC members better understand that re-organising a mass-based party like the NC is not as easy as it sounds. Besides, the organisation needs to attract the youth by addressing their concerns.While the NC badly needs a fresh impetus, the idea of collective leadership perhaps deserves a cold, hard look. For, collective leadership will only take the party back to square one.
Remember the triangular tussles and sabotages among and between Girija Prasad Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and late Ganesh Man Singh through the ‘90s? The jumbo CWC better understand that the lack of ‘emotional unity’ in the party is a continuation of the deep wounds the top three NC leaders inflicted on one another in their fight for supremacy at the cost of one another. What would remain of the party if history is repeated again?
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विचार र नेतृत्वको संकट -
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158844
कुमार रेग्मी
विगत ६० वर्षन्दा लामो समयदेखि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको केन्द्रमा रहेको नेपाली कांग्रेस आज तमासे भएको छ । उसको विरोध र असहमतिका बाबजुद दर्ुइ तिहाइभन्दा बढी मत ल्याएर उसैले शान्तिपर्ूण्ा राजनीतिमा ल्याएको भनिएको नेकपा माओवादीले सरकार बनाएको छ । यो र्समर्थन सरकारले कायम राखेमा संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा समेत ऊ भूमिकाशून्य र तमासे भएर रहनुपर्ने छ । आखिर कांग्रेस किन यो अवस्थामा पुग्यो -
प्रत्येक राजनीतिक संगठन निश्चित विचार र त्यसका आधारमा तयार भएको जनर्समथनको जगमा चलेको र टिकेको हुन्छ । त्यसमा राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको दूरदृष्टि, दृढसंकल्प, कठोर परिश्रम र निःस्वार्थ भावनाले प्रमुख भूमिका खेलेको हुन्छ । नेतृत्व महत्त्वाकांक्षी हुन सक्छ र सामान्य अवस्थामा त्यो स्वाभाविक पनि हुन्छ तर असहज र असामान्य अवस्थामा व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थर्,र् इष्र्या र बदलाका खातिर हजारौंको त्याग, तपस्या, परिश्रम र बलिदानबाट निर्माण भएको संगठनको इतिहासप्रति गद्दारी गर्ने गल्ती गर्नु ह“ुदैन । गरिएमा आज कांग्रेसले भोगेको परिणाम हात लाग्ने छ ।
आफूलाई बीपीको तस्बिरमुनि राख्ने तर बीपीको विचार र मार्गदर्शनलाई चाहिं तिरष्कार गरेर कांग्रेस नेपाली राजनीतिको केन्द्रमा कहिल्यै बस्नसक्ने छैन । बीपीले जीवनभरको राजनीतिक उतारचढाव, दुःखपीडा, यातना, भारत र दरबारस“गका कटु अनुभवसमेतका आधारमा जीवनको उत्तर्रार्द्धमा तयार पारेको राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीति र जीवनको अन्तिम अवस्थामा दिएका कालजयी सन्देशलाई चटक्कै छाड्नु नै कांग्रेसको वर्तमान दर्ुगतिको मूल कारण हो कि होइन भन्नेबारेमा खोई कांग्रेसभित्र छलफल र बहस चलेको -
बीपीले मुलुकको राष्ट्रिय एकता र अखण्डता कमजोर भएकाले सबै राष्ट्रवादी र प्रजातन्त्रवादी शक्ति एक हुनर्ुपर्छ भनी २०३३ सालमा भन्नुभएको कुरा के आज असान्दर्भिक भयो त - मूलतः भारतको नेपाल नीति बुझेर राष्ट्र कमजोर भएको सटिक विश्लेषण गरी फा“सीको सजाय हुनसक्ने अवस्थालाई समेत बेवास्ता गरी बीपी, गणेशमान स्वदेश फर्केपछि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रीकरण अभियानले पछि र्फकनुपरेको छैन ।
यति हु“दाह“ुदै नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीतिलाई किन १२ बु“दे सहमति गर्ने नाममा भारतकै पोल्टामा पुर्याइयो र त्यसपछि लज्जास्पद ढंगले उसलाई नेपालको आन्तरिक मामिलामा अझ बढी हस्तक्षेप गर्नका लागि किन आमन्त्रित गरियो - कांगे्रसले आन्दोलन र सरकार दुवैको नेतृत्व गरेकाले जबाफ उसैले दिनर्ुपर्छ तर कुनै पनि कांग्रेसी नेतास“ग यसको चित्तबुझ्दो जबाफ छैन । झारा टार्ने केटौली तर्कबाट यी प्रश्नकोे जबाफ दिन सकि“दैन ।
कांगे्रसले ६० वर्षलामो कठोर मिहिनेतसाथ तयार पारेको बाटो छाडेर नया“ बाटो हि“ड्ने निर्ण्र्ाागर्यो तर नया“ बाटामा पहिलैदेखि अरू नै हि“डिरहेकाले उसले उचित स्थान पाउन सक्ने कुरै भएन । त्यसैले आफूले टेकिरहेको हा“गा आफंैले काटेर समात्ने हा“गा नभेटेको अवस्थामा आज कांगे्रस पुगेको छ । नया“ बाटो नेपाल, नेपाली र आफ्नै लागि अझ सुरक्षित छ भन्ने विश्वास नहुन्जेल स्थापित भइरहेका बाटामा कु“डाकर्कट भए हटाएर, खाल्डा परेको भए उचित मर्मत गरेर वा बाटाको माथिल्लो पत्र भत्काएर नया“ कालोपत्र राखेर हि“ड्न सकिन्थ्यो । त्यसो नगर्नाले आज ऊ आफूले बनाएको सहर भनी घमन्ड गरे पनि नया“ सहरको बिरानो मानिस हुनपुगेको छ । यो स्वाभाविक छ किनभने नया“ सहरका तीन मुख्य नारा- गणतन्त्र, संघीयता र धर्मनिरपेक्षता अहिलेसम्म पनि उसको विधानले स्वीकार नगरेका विषय हुन् ।
छ दशकभन्दा लामो समयसम्म धेरै राजनीतिक उतारचढावका बीच पनि कांगे्रसले आफ्नो स्थापनाकालको उद्देश्य र औचित्यलाई छाडेको थिएन । वास्तवमा त्यही नै उसको वास्तविक पु“जी रहेछ भन्ने कुरा अब धैरैले बुझिसकेको हुनर्ुपर्छ । ६० वर्षा तीनचार पुस्ताले कांगे्रस के हो र कस्तो हो भनेर चिनिबुझसिकेका थिए । उसको बाटो न त उग्रवामपन्थीको थियो न उग्रदक्षिणपन्थीको । उसले रोजेको र लामो समय मलजल गरेको बाटो मध्यमार्गको थियो । उसले निर्माण गरेको मध्यमार्गी बाटामा व्यक्तिगत स्वतन्त्रता र निजी सम्पत्तिलाई उच्च संरक्षण गर्दै, शान्तिपर्ूण्ा जीवनयापन गर्न चाहने, कानुन पालना गर्ने, आफ्नो धर्म, संस्कृति र स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्रिय पहिचान बचाउ“दै आधुनिकतातर्फअघि बढ्ने नेपाली समाजभित्रको सबैभन्दा ठूलो जमात एकाकार भएर हि“डेको थियो । मध्यमार्गी भएकै कारण समयसमयमा संगठन शून्य भएको अवस्थामा पनि यो पुनः मुलुकको प्रमुख परिवर्तनकारी राजनीतिक
शक्ति हुन सफल भएको यथार्थलाई वर्तमानको कांग्रेस नेतृत्वले पर्ूण्ा रूपमा बिर्सिएको देखिन्छ ।
००७ सालको क्रान्तिदेखि नै कांग्रेसलाई मध्यमार्गी धारबाट विचलित गर्राई भूमिकाशून्य गराउने धैरै प्रयास भए पनि नेतृत्वको दूरदर्शिताका कारण ती सफल भएका थिएनन् । विशेषतः बीपीले नेपालको विशिष्ट भूराजनीतिक अवस्थाका कारण गम्भीर र जटिल रहेको नेपालको राष्ट्रियताको प्रश्नलाई र्सवाधिक महत्त्व दि“दै जनताका सम्पर्ूण्ा मौलिक अधिकारसहितको प्रजातान्त्रीकरणलाई कांग्रेसको मूलमन्त्र बनाई त्यसमा विचलित नहुन्जेल यसको उपादेयता र भविष्य छ, अन्यथा यो संकटमा पर्ने छ भनी बारम्बार बोलेको कुरा आज रामवाणझैं प्रमाणित भएको छ तर दर्ुभाय, कांग्रेसभित्रको उच्च नेतृत्व र त्यहा“भित्र चर्का कुरा गरेर आफ्नो रोटी पकाइरहेका अन्य कतिपय दोस्रो र तेस्रो दर्जाका नेतालाई यी कुराले कुनै असर पार्ने देखिन्न ।
कांग्रेसले मध्यमार्गी धार छाड्दै जा“दा विगत दर्ुइ वर्षता जातीय, क्षेत्रीय र साम्प्रदायिक राजनीति डरलाग्दो ढंगले अघि बढेको स्पष्ट छ । नेपालका सबै जातजाति, वर्ण्र्ााधर्म सम्प्रदाय र भाषाभाषी बोल्ने अधिकांश मानिस समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितका पक्षमा छन् तर तिनलाई केही छुद्र निहित र क्षणिक स्वार्थ भएका तत्त्वले भड्काइरहेका छन् । प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिका रूपमा कांग्रेसले यस्ताखाले चुनौती सामना नगरेमा बहुसंख्यक नेपालीको राष्ट्रिय पहिचानसहित समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितमा अर्को प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिको उपस्थित भई यो अझ भूमिकाशून्य र कमजोर हु“दै जाने छ ।
आफ्नो इतिहासको सम्मानजनक मूल्यांकन नगरी कांग्रेस न त हिजोको जस्तो सबैले विश्वास गर्न सक्ने भरपर्दो संगठन बन्न सक्छ न उसले भविष्यमा निश्चित रूपमा आउने राष्ट्रियता र प्रजातन्त्रमाथिका खतराको मुकाबिला गर्न सक्छ । त्यसैगरी नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने सर्न्दर्भमा छुद्र र सानातिना राजनीतिक फाइदाबेफाइदालाई बिल्कुलै वास्ता नगरी समग्र नेपालको हित कसरी हुन्छ, त्यसैबाट निर्देशित भएर अगाडि बढेमा कांग्रेसले आफैंलाई लगाएका घाउ बिस्तारै पुरि“दै जान सक्नेतर्फऊ सजग हुन जरुरी देखिन्छ ।
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:34:35
कुमार रेग्मी
विगत ६० वर्षन्दा लामो समयदेखि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको केन्द्रमा रहेको नेपाली कांग्रेस आज तमासे भएको छ । उसको विरोध र असहमतिका बाबजुद दर्ुइ तिहाइभन्दा बढी मत ल्याएर उसैले शान्तिपर्ूण्ा राजनीतिमा ल्याएको भनिएको नेकपा माओवादीले सरकार बनाएको छ । यो र्समर्थन सरकारले कायम राखेमा संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा समेत ऊ भूमिकाशून्य र तमासे भएर रहनुपर्ने छ । आखिर कांग्रेस किन यो अवस्थामा पुग्यो -
प्रत्येक राजनीतिक संगठन निश्चित विचार र त्यसका आधारमा तयार भएको जनर्समथनको जगमा चलेको र टिकेको हुन्छ । त्यसमा राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको दूरदृष्टि, दृढसंकल्प, कठोर परिश्रम र निःस्वार्थ भावनाले प्रमुख भूमिका खेलेको हुन्छ । नेतृत्व महत्त्वाकांक्षी हुन सक्छ र सामान्य अवस्थामा त्यो स्वाभाविक पनि हुन्छ तर असहज र असामान्य अवस्थामा व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थर्,र् इष्र्या र बदलाका खातिर हजारौंको त्याग, तपस्या, परिश्रम र बलिदानबाट निर्माण भएको संगठनको इतिहासप्रति गद्दारी गर्ने गल्ती गर्नु ह“ुदैन । गरिएमा आज कांग्रेसले भोगेको परिणाम हात लाग्ने छ ।
आफूलाई बीपीको तस्बिरमुनि राख्ने तर बीपीको विचार र मार्गदर्शनलाई चाहिं तिरष्कार गरेर कांग्रेस नेपाली राजनीतिको केन्द्रमा कहिल्यै बस्नसक्ने छैन । बीपीले जीवनभरको राजनीतिक उतारचढाव, दुःखपीडा, यातना, भारत र दरबारस“गका कटु अनुभवसमेतका आधारमा जीवनको उत्तर्रार्द्धमा तयार पारेको राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीति र जीवनको अन्तिम अवस्थामा दिएका कालजयी सन्देशलाई चटक्कै छाड्नु नै कांग्रेसको वर्तमान दर्ुगतिको मूल कारण हो कि होइन भन्नेबारेमा खोई कांग्रेसभित्र छलफल र बहस चलेको -
बीपीले मुलुकको राष्ट्रिय एकता र अखण्डता कमजोर भएकाले सबै राष्ट्रवादी र प्रजातन्त्रवादी शक्ति एक हुनर्ुपर्छ भनी २०३३ सालमा भन्नुभएको कुरा के आज असान्दर्भिक भयो त - मूलतः भारतको नेपाल नीति बुझेर राष्ट्र कमजोर भएको सटिक विश्लेषण गरी फा“सीको सजाय हुनसक्ने अवस्थालाई समेत बेवास्ता गरी बीपी, गणेशमान स्वदेश फर्केपछि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रीकरण अभियानले पछि र्फकनुपरेको छैन ।
यति हु“दाह“ुदै नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीतिलाई किन १२ बु“दे सहमति गर्ने नाममा भारतकै पोल्टामा पुर्याइयो र त्यसपछि लज्जास्पद ढंगले उसलाई नेपालको आन्तरिक मामिलामा अझ बढी हस्तक्षेप गर्नका लागि किन आमन्त्रित गरियो - कांगे्रसले आन्दोलन र सरकार दुवैको नेतृत्व गरेकाले जबाफ उसैले दिनर्ुपर्छ तर कुनै पनि कांग्रेसी नेतास“ग यसको चित्तबुझ्दो जबाफ छैन । झारा टार्ने केटौली तर्कबाट यी प्रश्नकोे जबाफ दिन सकि“दैन ।
कांगे्रसले ६० वर्षलामो कठोर मिहिनेतसाथ तयार पारेको बाटो छाडेर नया“ बाटो हि“ड्ने निर्ण्र्ाागर्यो तर नया“ बाटामा पहिलैदेखि अरू नै हि“डिरहेकाले उसले उचित स्थान पाउन सक्ने कुरै भएन । त्यसैले आफूले टेकिरहेको हा“गा आफंैले काटेर समात्ने हा“गा नभेटेको अवस्थामा आज कांगे्रस पुगेको छ । नया“ बाटो नेपाल, नेपाली र आफ्नै लागि अझ सुरक्षित छ भन्ने विश्वास नहुन्जेल स्थापित भइरहेका बाटामा कु“डाकर्कट भए हटाएर, खाल्डा परेको भए उचित मर्मत गरेर वा बाटाको माथिल्लो पत्र भत्काएर नया“ कालोपत्र राखेर हि“ड्न सकिन्थ्यो । त्यसो नगर्नाले आज ऊ आफूले बनाएको सहर भनी घमन्ड गरे पनि नया“ सहरको बिरानो मानिस हुनपुगेको छ । यो स्वाभाविक छ किनभने नया“ सहरका तीन मुख्य नारा- गणतन्त्र, संघीयता र धर्मनिरपेक्षता अहिलेसम्म पनि उसको विधानले स्वीकार नगरेका विषय हुन् ।
छ दशकभन्दा लामो समयसम्म धेरै राजनीतिक उतारचढावका बीच पनि कांगे्रसले आफ्नो स्थापनाकालको उद्देश्य र औचित्यलाई छाडेको थिएन । वास्तवमा त्यही नै उसको वास्तविक पु“जी रहेछ भन्ने कुरा अब धैरैले बुझिसकेको हुनर्ुपर्छ । ६० वर्षा तीनचार पुस्ताले कांगे्रस के हो र कस्तो हो भनेर चिनिबुझसिकेका थिए । उसको बाटो न त उग्रवामपन्थीको थियो न उग्रदक्षिणपन्थीको । उसले रोजेको र लामो समय मलजल गरेको बाटो मध्यमार्गको थियो । उसले निर्माण गरेको मध्यमार्गी बाटामा व्यक्तिगत स्वतन्त्रता र निजी सम्पत्तिलाई उच्च संरक्षण गर्दै, शान्तिपर्ूण्ा जीवनयापन गर्न चाहने, कानुन पालना गर्ने, आफ्नो धर्म, संस्कृति र स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्रिय पहिचान बचाउ“दै आधुनिकतातर्फअघि बढ्ने नेपाली समाजभित्रको सबैभन्दा ठूलो जमात एकाकार भएर हि“डेको थियो । मध्यमार्गी भएकै कारण समयसमयमा संगठन शून्य भएको अवस्थामा पनि यो पुनः मुलुकको प्रमुख परिवर्तनकारी राजनीतिक
शक्ति हुन सफल भएको यथार्थलाई वर्तमानको कांग्रेस नेतृत्वले पर्ूण्ा रूपमा बिर्सिएको देखिन्छ ।
००७ सालको क्रान्तिदेखि नै कांग्रेसलाई मध्यमार्गी धारबाट विचलित गर्राई भूमिकाशून्य गराउने धैरै प्रयास भए पनि नेतृत्वको दूरदर्शिताका कारण ती सफल भएका थिएनन् । विशेषतः बीपीले नेपालको विशिष्ट भूराजनीतिक अवस्थाका कारण गम्भीर र जटिल रहेको नेपालको राष्ट्रियताको प्रश्नलाई र्सवाधिक महत्त्व दि“दै जनताका सम्पर्ूण्ा मौलिक अधिकारसहितको प्रजातान्त्रीकरणलाई कांग्रेसको मूलमन्त्र बनाई त्यसमा विचलित नहुन्जेल यसको उपादेयता र भविष्य छ, अन्यथा यो संकटमा पर्ने छ भनी बारम्बार बोलेको कुरा आज रामवाणझैं प्रमाणित भएको छ तर दर्ुभाय, कांग्रेसभित्रको उच्च नेतृत्व र त्यहा“भित्र चर्का कुरा गरेर आफ्नो रोटी पकाइरहेका अन्य कतिपय दोस्रो र तेस्रो दर्जाका नेतालाई यी कुराले कुनै असर पार्ने देखिन्न ।
कांग्रेसले मध्यमार्गी धार छाड्दै जा“दा विगत दर्ुइ वर्षता जातीय, क्षेत्रीय र साम्प्रदायिक राजनीति डरलाग्दो ढंगले अघि बढेको स्पष्ट छ । नेपालका सबै जातजाति, वर्ण्र्ााधर्म सम्प्रदाय र भाषाभाषी बोल्ने अधिकांश मानिस समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितका पक्षमा छन् तर तिनलाई केही छुद्र निहित र क्षणिक स्वार्थ भएका तत्त्वले भड्काइरहेका छन् । प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिका रूपमा कांग्रेसले यस्ताखाले चुनौती सामना नगरेमा बहुसंख्यक नेपालीको राष्ट्रिय पहिचानसहित समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितमा अर्को प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिको उपस्थित भई यो अझ भूमिकाशून्य र कमजोर हु“दै जाने छ ।
आफ्नो इतिहासको सम्मानजनक मूल्यांकन नगरी कांग्रेस न त हिजोको जस्तो सबैले विश्वास गर्न सक्ने भरपर्दो संगठन बन्न सक्छ न उसले भविष्यमा निश्चित रूपमा आउने राष्ट्रियता र प्रजातन्त्रमाथिका खतराको मुकाबिला गर्न सक्छ । त्यसैगरी नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने सर्न्दर्भमा छुद्र र सानातिना राजनीतिक फाइदाबेफाइदालाई बिल्कुलै वास्ता नगरी समग्र नेपालको हित कसरी हुन्छ, त्यसैबाट निर्देशित भएर अगाडि बढेमा कांग्रेसले आफैंलाई लगाएका घाउ बिस्तारै पुरि“दै जान सक्नेतर्फऊ सजग हुन जरुरी देखिन्छ ।
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:34:35
नया“ नेपालमा नया“ कांग्रेस
विमलेन्द्र निधि
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158843
संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रसहितको संविधान निर्माण गर्ने, शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई लक्ष्यमा पुर्याउनेे, भएका सहमति र सम्झौताहरूको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने, कानुन व्यवस्था कायम राख्ने र दैनिक जीवनको आवश्यकता पर्ूर्ति गर्ने, संविधानसभा, सरकार, प्रतिपक्षलगायत सबैको साझा राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डा आज यही हो ।
सरकारमा रहेर होस् वा प्रतिपक्षमा रहेर नेपाली कांग्रेसको भूमिका यिनै राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डाप्रति समर्पित रहनर्ुपर्छ । संविधानसभाभित्रका सबै दलस“ग कांग्रेसले यिनै एजेन्डा कार्यान्वयनका लागि सहमति र सहकार्यलाई निरन्तरता दिनर्ुपर्छ । माओवादी नेतृत्वमा गठित सरकारले यिनै एजेन्डालाई प्राथमिकता दिएको छ कि छैन, त्यसको कार्यान्वयनका लागि इमानदार र ठोस नीति र कार्यक्रम प्रस्तुत गरेको छ कि छैन, त्यसबारे निरन्तर निगरानी गर्ने र आवश्यकताअनुसार गुण र दोषका आधारमा र्समर्थन, सहयोग वा चेतावनी तथा संर्घष्ा गर्ने भूमिकाका लागि कांग्रेस तयार रहनर्ुपर्छ ।
माओवादी मूल रूपमा उग्र वामपन्थी पार्टर्ीीो । र्सवसत्तावादी अधिनायकवादी प्रणालीका रूपमा विश्वविख्यात 'जनवादी गणतन्त्र' लाई आफ्नो उद्देश्य र कार्यक्रमबाट माओवादी पार्टर्ीी हटाएको छैन । उग्र वामपन्थ स्वयं पनि उग्र दक्षिणपन्थमा परिणत हुन्छ । उग्र वामपन्थी र उग्र दक्षिणपन्थी बेलाबखत सजिलै गरी सा“ठगा“ठ गर्ने गर्छन् । नेपालको राजनीतिमा विगतका दिनमा पनि र यतिबेला पनि यही प्रस्ट देखि“दै आएको छ । यस जटिल र तरल राजनीतिक परिस्थितिमा कांग्रेसको भूमिका अत्यन्त जिम्मेवार, सचेत र सुस्पष्ट हुनर्ुपर्छ । कांग्रेस लोकतन्त्रवादी, समाजवादी र मध्यमार्गी हो । शान्ति र अहिंसा, स्वतन्त्रता, समानता, भ्रातृत्व, जनताको सम्प्रभुता, अग्रगमन र परिवर्तनमा विश्वास गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । अधिनायकवाद, र्सवसत्तावादलगायत सबै किसिमको निरंकुशतावाद र तानाशाहीविरुद्ध संर्घष्ा गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । राज्यको अग्रगमनकारी पुनः संरचनाका लागि संघीय गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य संरचना र बहुदलीय लोकतान्त्रिक शासन प्रणालीको निर्माणका लागि संविधानसभाभित्र वा संविधानसभा बाहिर हाम्रो पार्टर्ीी विभिन्न राजनीतिक दल र लोकतान्त्रिक शक्ति र अग्रगमन परिवर्तनका पक्षधरस“ग सहकार्य, संर्घष्ा र रूपान्तरणका विविध अन्तरसम्बन्ध निर्धारण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
संविधानसभाभित्रको भूमिकालाई सशक्त रूपमा प्रस्तुत गर्न तत्काल तयारी गर्न आवश्यक छ । यहा“ पनि दर्ुइ किसिमको भूमिका छ- संविधान निर्माण गर्ने विषयका लागि संविधानसभाको भूमिका । सरकार सञ्चालन र संसदीय कार्यका लागि व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को हैसियतको भूमिका । यी दुवै भूमिकाका लागि सभासद्हरू सचेत र सक्रिय रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुनर्ुपर्छ । संसदीय दलको विधान संशोधन र संसदीय दलको नेता, कार्यसमिति एवं पदाधिकारीको विधिवत् चयन तत्काल गर्नुपर्छ । व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को बैठक यही भाद्र २० गतेका लागि राष्ट्रपतिद्वारा आह्वान भइसकेको छ । बैठक प्रारम्भ हुनुअघि संसदीय दलको विधान स्वीकृत भई लागू हुनर्ुपर्छ र नेता तथा पदाधिकारीको तत्काल व्यवस्था हुनर्ुपर्छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे आफ्नै संरचनाभित्र पनि एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनलाई सुदृढ पार्दै प्रभावकारी रूपले क्रियाशील बनाउन तत्काल आवश्यक कदम चाल्नर्ुपर्छ । पार्टर्ीीे एकीकरणका सभापति गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला र नेता शेरबहादुर देउवाद्वारा हस्ताक्षरित घोषणापत्रलाई महासमितिको निर्ण्र्ाानुसार पार्टर्ीीवधानको अंगकै रूपमा व्यवस्था गरिएको छ । त्यसका बु“दाहरू केही कार्यान्वयन भएका छन् । धेरै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा बु“दा कार्यान्वयन हुन बा“की छन् । पार्टर्ीीे केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिमा १५ जना मनोनयन गर्न बा“की सदस्यको मनोनयन पूरा गर्नुपर्ने छ । २७ सदस्यीय केन्द्रीय कार्य सम्पादन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । २१ वटा विभागको विभागीय प्रमुखको मनोनयन र त्यसका लागि सदस्यसमेतको गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ ।
त्यस्तै जिल्ला, क्षेत्रीय, गाउ“, नगर समितिहरूको संगठनात्मक संरचना सम्बन्धमा गर्नुपर्ने बा“की काम गर्न लगाउनर्ुपर्छ । िक्रयाशील सदस्यहरू सूचीलाई एकीकृत गर्नुपर्छ । -यसका लागि दुवै मुख्य सचिवलाई जिम्मा लगाइसकिएको छ ।) अनुशासन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । उजुरीमाथि छानबिन र निर्ण्र्ाागर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । विधान परिमार्जन गर्न विधान समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । पार्टर्ीीे विधान परिमार्जन गर्दा संघीय संरचनातिर उन्मुख अवधारणा र स्वरूपलाई ध्यानमा राख्नु उपयुक्त हुन्छ ।
संरचना तत्काल गठन सक्रिय भएमा प्रथमतः एकीकरणले पर्ूण्ाता पाई संगठनका गतिविधि अगाडि बढ्दै जाने छन् । यसका साथै केन्द्रबाट विभिन्न मितिमा एकीकरण लगायतका सम्बन्धमा आवश्यक निर्देशन सबै जिल्ला र निकायका मातहतमा पठाइएको छ । त्यसमध्ये आंशिक रूपमा लागू भएको तर धेरैजसो लागू हुन बा“की छन् । क्षेत्रीय सभापति, गाउ“ र नगर सभापतिहरूमा आलोपालो सभापतित्व गर्ने व्यवस्थाले समस्या छ । जिल्लाका सभापति र सहसभापतिबीच पनि समझदारी अभावले केही समस्या छ । यसका लागि केन्द्रको परिपत्र कार्यान्वयन गराउन र आवश्यक निर्ण्र्ाास्थलगत रूपमा लिने गरी केन्द्रबाट दर्ुइ दर्ुइजना प्रतिनिधि पठाउनुपर्ने आवश्यक देखिन्छ ।
त्यस्तै भ्रातृसंगठन एवं शुभेच्छुक संघसंगठनबारे एकीकरण पत्रको व्यवस्थाअनुसार र केन्द्रबाट पठाएको निर्देशनअनुसार कार्यान्वयन गराउन आवश्यक देखिन्छ । महिला संघ, आदिवासी जनजाति संघ, दलित संघ, भूपू सैनिक संघ, सांस्कृतिक संघ, ट्रेड युनियनमा एकीकरणका सर्न्दर्भमा केन्द्रीय तहमा खासै समस्या परेको देखि“दैन तर नेविसंघ, तरुण दल, किसान संघमा एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनको सक्रियता अभिवृद्धि गर्न पार्टर्ीीेन्द्रबाट थप समन्वय र निर्देशनको आवश्यकता छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे परिपत्रबारे प्रस्ट अर्थ नबुझी पनि केही समस्या परेको देखिन्छ । विभाग गठन भएमा सम्बन्धित विभागमार्फ सम्बन्धित भ्रातृ वा शुभेच्छुक संगठनको समन्वय र निर्देशनमा कार्य गर्न गराउन उपयुक्त एवं प्रभावकारी हुने छ । विभाग निर्माण गर्दा दलितहरूस“ग सम्बन्धित विभाग छुटेकाले आदिवासी जनजाति र दलित विभागका रूपमा नामकरण गर्न उपयुक्त हुन्छ । त्यस्तै मुसलमानका लागि पनि एउटा छुट्टै समन्वय समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायबीच पार्टर्ीीे दृष्टिकोण स्पष्ट पार्न आवश्यक छ । त्यस्तै जिल्लाबाट आएका उजुरीमाथि निर्ण्र्ाागरेर अनुशासन कायम गर्नु आवश्यक छ । विवाद मिलाउन आवश्यक छ । कानुनी समस्याका लागि कानुनी सेल आवश्यक छ । यी सबैका लागि सम्बन्धित विभाग, समिति वा सेलहरूको तत्काल गठन गरी पार्टर्ीीई सक्रिय
तुल्याइने छ ।
द्वन्द्वपीडितको समस्या हर्ेन पनि एउटा छुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त देखिन्छ । कार्यालयमा प्राप्त विवरणअनुसार माओवादीबाट कांग्रेसका मात्र ६०३ जनाको हत्या, ३०६ जनाको अंगभंग, १३७९ जनाको सम्पत्ति कब्जा गरी हालसम्म फिर्ता नगरिएको अवस्था छ । त्यस्तै २९८६ परिवार संख्या विस्थापित र १५७ जना अपहरण गरी बेपत्ता बनाएको अवस्था छ ।
नया“ संविधानको निर्माण र संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक संरचना निर्माणका लागि र्सवाधिक महत्त्वका साथ दुइटा छुट्टाछुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु अत्यावश्यक छ । एउटा संविधान मस्यौदा सुझाव समिति र अर्को संघीय संरचना मस्यौदा समिति । यी दुवैले छुट्टाछुट्टै रूपमा देशभरि छलफल, संवाद, अन्तरक्रिया, गोष्ठी आदिद्वारा बहस चलाई पार्टर्ीीे धारणा बनाउने र राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको निर्माण गर्ने कार्यमा योगदान पुर्याउनुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
यही भदौ १६ गते पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन भएको ३ वर्षपुग्दै छ । तर्सथ पार्टर्ीीे म्याद थप्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । यसका लागि पनि तत्काल निर्ण्र्ाालिनु उपयुक्त हुने छ । विगतका बैठकमा केन्द्रीय सदस्यबाट पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन वा महासमिति बोलाउनुपर्ने विचार आएका छन् । एकीकरण भएपछि संगठनलाई सुसंगठित स्वरूप दिन उपयुक्त विचार हो । महाधिवेशन गर्न यसपर्ूव सबै तयारी गर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । जस्तैः एकीकरणपछि सात सातजना गरी चौध महाधिवेशन प्रतिनिधि रहेका छन् । पहिले महाधिवेशन हु“दाका २०५ निर्वाचन क्षेत्र थिए, अहिले बढेर २४० भएका छन् । त्यसलाई पनि विधिवत् नया“ ढंगले व्यवस्थित गरी प्रतिनिधि चयन गर्नुपर्छ । यी विषयसमेत पार्टर्ीीे संरचनालाई समावेशी बनाउन पनि विधान संशोधन आवश्यक छ ।
क्रियाशील सदस्यको अभिलेखलाई एकीकृत गरी गाउ“ तहबाट अधिवेशन प्रारम्भ गरेर क्षेत्र र जिल्लाहरू समेतको अधिवेशन सम्पन्न गरी राष्ट्रिय महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न गर्नु विधिसम्मत हुन्छ । यी सबै कार्य चरणबद्ध गर्न पनि यथाशीघ्र एकीकरणस“ग सम्बन्धित बा“की रहेका विषय कार्यान्वयन गरी पर्ूण्ाता दिनु आवश्यक देखिन्छ । एकीकरणको घोषणापत्रमा रहेका बु“दा र केन्द्रका नीतिनिर्देशन तत्काल कार्यान्वयन गर्न सबैको ध्यान जानु आवश्यक छ । यसका साथै आश्विनको पहिलो सप्ताहमा देशभरका सभापति र सहसभापतिहरूको ३/४ दिनको सम्मेलनको काठमाडौंमा आयोजना गरेर संगठन एकीकरण र सुदृढीकरण अभियान थाल्नु र्सवाधिक उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
-भदौ ९ गतेदेखि जारी नेपाली कांग्रेस केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिको बैठकमा महामन्त्री निधिद्वारा प्रस्तुत राजनीतिक प्रतिवेदनको अंश)
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:33:18
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158843
संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रसहितको संविधान निर्माण गर्ने, शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई लक्ष्यमा पुर्याउनेे, भएका सहमति र सम्झौताहरूको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने, कानुन व्यवस्था कायम राख्ने र दैनिक जीवनको आवश्यकता पर्ूर्ति गर्ने, संविधानसभा, सरकार, प्रतिपक्षलगायत सबैको साझा राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डा आज यही हो ।
सरकारमा रहेर होस् वा प्रतिपक्षमा रहेर नेपाली कांग्रेसको भूमिका यिनै राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डाप्रति समर्पित रहनर्ुपर्छ । संविधानसभाभित्रका सबै दलस“ग कांग्रेसले यिनै एजेन्डा कार्यान्वयनका लागि सहमति र सहकार्यलाई निरन्तरता दिनर्ुपर्छ । माओवादी नेतृत्वमा गठित सरकारले यिनै एजेन्डालाई प्राथमिकता दिएको छ कि छैन, त्यसको कार्यान्वयनका लागि इमानदार र ठोस नीति र कार्यक्रम प्रस्तुत गरेको छ कि छैन, त्यसबारे निरन्तर निगरानी गर्ने र आवश्यकताअनुसार गुण र दोषका आधारमा र्समर्थन, सहयोग वा चेतावनी तथा संर्घष्ा गर्ने भूमिकाका लागि कांग्रेस तयार रहनर्ुपर्छ ।
माओवादी मूल रूपमा उग्र वामपन्थी पार्टर्ीीो । र्सवसत्तावादी अधिनायकवादी प्रणालीका रूपमा विश्वविख्यात 'जनवादी गणतन्त्र' लाई आफ्नो उद्देश्य र कार्यक्रमबाट माओवादी पार्टर्ीी हटाएको छैन । उग्र वामपन्थ स्वयं पनि उग्र दक्षिणपन्थमा परिणत हुन्छ । उग्र वामपन्थी र उग्र दक्षिणपन्थी बेलाबखत सजिलै गरी सा“ठगा“ठ गर्ने गर्छन् । नेपालको राजनीतिमा विगतका दिनमा पनि र यतिबेला पनि यही प्रस्ट देखि“दै आएको छ । यस जटिल र तरल राजनीतिक परिस्थितिमा कांग्रेसको भूमिका अत्यन्त जिम्मेवार, सचेत र सुस्पष्ट हुनर्ुपर्छ । कांग्रेस लोकतन्त्रवादी, समाजवादी र मध्यमार्गी हो । शान्ति र अहिंसा, स्वतन्त्रता, समानता, भ्रातृत्व, जनताको सम्प्रभुता, अग्रगमन र परिवर्तनमा विश्वास गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । अधिनायकवाद, र्सवसत्तावादलगायत सबै किसिमको निरंकुशतावाद र तानाशाहीविरुद्ध संर्घष्ा गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । राज्यको अग्रगमनकारी पुनः संरचनाका लागि संघीय गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य संरचना र बहुदलीय लोकतान्त्रिक शासन प्रणालीको निर्माणका लागि संविधानसभाभित्र वा संविधानसभा बाहिर हाम्रो पार्टर्ीी विभिन्न राजनीतिक दल र लोकतान्त्रिक शक्ति र अग्रगमन परिवर्तनका पक्षधरस“ग सहकार्य, संर्घष्ा र रूपान्तरणका विविध अन्तरसम्बन्ध निर्धारण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
संविधानसभाभित्रको भूमिकालाई सशक्त रूपमा प्रस्तुत गर्न तत्काल तयारी गर्न आवश्यक छ । यहा“ पनि दर्ुइ किसिमको भूमिका छ- संविधान निर्माण गर्ने विषयका लागि संविधानसभाको भूमिका । सरकार सञ्चालन र संसदीय कार्यका लागि व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को हैसियतको भूमिका । यी दुवै भूमिकाका लागि सभासद्हरू सचेत र सक्रिय रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुनर्ुपर्छ । संसदीय दलको विधान संशोधन र संसदीय दलको नेता, कार्यसमिति एवं पदाधिकारीको विधिवत् चयन तत्काल गर्नुपर्छ । व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को बैठक यही भाद्र २० गतेका लागि राष्ट्रपतिद्वारा आह्वान भइसकेको छ । बैठक प्रारम्भ हुनुअघि संसदीय दलको विधान स्वीकृत भई लागू हुनर्ुपर्छ र नेता तथा पदाधिकारीको तत्काल व्यवस्था हुनर्ुपर्छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे आफ्नै संरचनाभित्र पनि एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनलाई सुदृढ पार्दै प्रभावकारी रूपले क्रियाशील बनाउन तत्काल आवश्यक कदम चाल्नर्ुपर्छ । पार्टर्ीीे एकीकरणका सभापति गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला र नेता शेरबहादुर देउवाद्वारा हस्ताक्षरित घोषणापत्रलाई महासमितिको निर्ण्र्ाानुसार पार्टर्ीीवधानको अंगकै रूपमा व्यवस्था गरिएको छ । त्यसका बु“दाहरू केही कार्यान्वयन भएका छन् । धेरै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा बु“दा कार्यान्वयन हुन बा“की छन् । पार्टर्ीीे केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिमा १५ जना मनोनयन गर्न बा“की सदस्यको मनोनयन पूरा गर्नुपर्ने छ । २७ सदस्यीय केन्द्रीय कार्य सम्पादन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । २१ वटा विभागको विभागीय प्रमुखको मनोनयन र त्यसका लागि सदस्यसमेतको गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ ।
त्यस्तै जिल्ला, क्षेत्रीय, गाउ“, नगर समितिहरूको संगठनात्मक संरचना सम्बन्धमा गर्नुपर्ने बा“की काम गर्न लगाउनर्ुपर्छ । िक्रयाशील सदस्यहरू सूचीलाई एकीकृत गर्नुपर्छ । -यसका लागि दुवै मुख्य सचिवलाई जिम्मा लगाइसकिएको छ ।) अनुशासन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । उजुरीमाथि छानबिन र निर्ण्र्ाागर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । विधान परिमार्जन गर्न विधान समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । पार्टर्ीीे विधान परिमार्जन गर्दा संघीय संरचनातिर उन्मुख अवधारणा र स्वरूपलाई ध्यानमा राख्नु उपयुक्त हुन्छ ।
संरचना तत्काल गठन सक्रिय भएमा प्रथमतः एकीकरणले पर्ूण्ाता पाई संगठनका गतिविधि अगाडि बढ्दै जाने छन् । यसका साथै केन्द्रबाट विभिन्न मितिमा एकीकरण लगायतका सम्बन्धमा आवश्यक निर्देशन सबै जिल्ला र निकायका मातहतमा पठाइएको छ । त्यसमध्ये आंशिक रूपमा लागू भएको तर धेरैजसो लागू हुन बा“की छन् । क्षेत्रीय सभापति, गाउ“ र नगर सभापतिहरूमा आलोपालो सभापतित्व गर्ने व्यवस्थाले समस्या छ । जिल्लाका सभापति र सहसभापतिबीच पनि समझदारी अभावले केही समस्या छ । यसका लागि केन्द्रको परिपत्र कार्यान्वयन गराउन र आवश्यक निर्ण्र्ाास्थलगत रूपमा लिने गरी केन्द्रबाट दर्ुइ दर्ुइजना प्रतिनिधि पठाउनुपर्ने आवश्यक देखिन्छ ।
त्यस्तै भ्रातृसंगठन एवं शुभेच्छुक संघसंगठनबारे एकीकरण पत्रको व्यवस्थाअनुसार र केन्द्रबाट पठाएको निर्देशनअनुसार कार्यान्वयन गराउन आवश्यक देखिन्छ । महिला संघ, आदिवासी जनजाति संघ, दलित संघ, भूपू सैनिक संघ, सांस्कृतिक संघ, ट्रेड युनियनमा एकीकरणका सर्न्दर्भमा केन्द्रीय तहमा खासै समस्या परेको देखि“दैन तर नेविसंघ, तरुण दल, किसान संघमा एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनको सक्रियता अभिवृद्धि गर्न पार्टर्ीीेन्द्रबाट थप समन्वय र निर्देशनको आवश्यकता छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे परिपत्रबारे प्रस्ट अर्थ नबुझी पनि केही समस्या परेको देखिन्छ । विभाग गठन भएमा सम्बन्धित विभागमार्फ सम्बन्धित भ्रातृ वा शुभेच्छुक संगठनको समन्वय र निर्देशनमा कार्य गर्न गराउन उपयुक्त एवं प्रभावकारी हुने छ । विभाग निर्माण गर्दा दलितहरूस“ग सम्बन्धित विभाग छुटेकाले आदिवासी जनजाति र दलित विभागका रूपमा नामकरण गर्न उपयुक्त हुन्छ । त्यस्तै मुसलमानका लागि पनि एउटा छुट्टै समन्वय समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायबीच पार्टर्ीीे दृष्टिकोण स्पष्ट पार्न आवश्यक छ । त्यस्तै जिल्लाबाट आएका उजुरीमाथि निर्ण्र्ाागरेर अनुशासन कायम गर्नु आवश्यक छ । विवाद मिलाउन आवश्यक छ । कानुनी समस्याका लागि कानुनी सेल आवश्यक छ । यी सबैका लागि सम्बन्धित विभाग, समिति वा सेलहरूको तत्काल गठन गरी पार्टर्ीीई सक्रिय
तुल्याइने छ ।
द्वन्द्वपीडितको समस्या हर्ेन पनि एउटा छुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त देखिन्छ । कार्यालयमा प्राप्त विवरणअनुसार माओवादीबाट कांग्रेसका मात्र ६०३ जनाको हत्या, ३०६ जनाको अंगभंग, १३७९ जनाको सम्पत्ति कब्जा गरी हालसम्म फिर्ता नगरिएको अवस्था छ । त्यस्तै २९८६ परिवार संख्या विस्थापित र १५७ जना अपहरण गरी बेपत्ता बनाएको अवस्था छ ।
नया“ संविधानको निर्माण र संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक संरचना निर्माणका लागि र्सवाधिक महत्त्वका साथ दुइटा छुट्टाछुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु अत्यावश्यक छ । एउटा संविधान मस्यौदा सुझाव समिति र अर्को संघीय संरचना मस्यौदा समिति । यी दुवैले छुट्टाछुट्टै रूपमा देशभरि छलफल, संवाद, अन्तरक्रिया, गोष्ठी आदिद्वारा बहस चलाई पार्टर्ीीे धारणा बनाउने र राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको निर्माण गर्ने कार्यमा योगदान पुर्याउनुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
यही भदौ १६ गते पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन भएको ३ वर्षपुग्दै छ । तर्सथ पार्टर्ीीे म्याद थप्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । यसका लागि पनि तत्काल निर्ण्र्ाालिनु उपयुक्त हुने छ । विगतका बैठकमा केन्द्रीय सदस्यबाट पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन वा महासमिति बोलाउनुपर्ने विचार आएका छन् । एकीकरण भएपछि संगठनलाई सुसंगठित स्वरूप दिन उपयुक्त विचार हो । महाधिवेशन गर्न यसपर्ूव सबै तयारी गर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । जस्तैः एकीकरणपछि सात सातजना गरी चौध महाधिवेशन प्रतिनिधि रहेका छन् । पहिले महाधिवेशन हु“दाका २०५ निर्वाचन क्षेत्र थिए, अहिले बढेर २४० भएका छन् । त्यसलाई पनि विधिवत् नया“ ढंगले व्यवस्थित गरी प्रतिनिधि चयन गर्नुपर्छ । यी विषयसमेत पार्टर्ीीे संरचनालाई समावेशी बनाउन पनि विधान संशोधन आवश्यक छ ।
क्रियाशील सदस्यको अभिलेखलाई एकीकृत गरी गाउ“ तहबाट अधिवेशन प्रारम्भ गरेर क्षेत्र र जिल्लाहरू समेतको अधिवेशन सम्पन्न गरी राष्ट्रिय महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न गर्नु विधिसम्मत हुन्छ । यी सबै कार्य चरणबद्ध गर्न पनि यथाशीघ्र एकीकरणस“ग सम्बन्धित बा“की रहेका विषय कार्यान्वयन गरी पर्ूण्ाता दिनु आवश्यक देखिन्छ । एकीकरणको घोषणापत्रमा रहेका बु“दा र केन्द्रका नीतिनिर्देशन तत्काल कार्यान्वयन गर्न सबैको ध्यान जानु आवश्यक छ । यसका साथै आश्विनको पहिलो सप्ताहमा देशभरका सभापति र सहसभापतिहरूको ३/४ दिनको सम्मेलनको काठमाडौंमा आयोजना गरेर संगठन एकीकरण र सुदृढीकरण अभियान थाल्नु र्सवाधिक उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
-भदौ ९ गतेदेखि जारी नेपाली कांग्रेस केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिको बैठकमा महामन्त्री निधिद्वारा प्रस्तुत राजनीतिक प्रतिवेदनको अंश)
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:33:18
Sunday, May 25, 2008
गौरव र घमण्डबीच काङ्ग्रेस
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सञ्जय उपाध्याय
नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसभित्र उठेको सत्ता छाड्नुपर्ने र नेकपा माओवादीका लागि र ाजनीतिक मैदान खाली गर्न नहुने दुवै तर्कले सो पार्टर्ीी मुलुकमा ओगटेको विशिष्ट स्थानलाई प्रतिविम्बित गर ेको छ । काङ्ग्रेसले सधै“ आफूलाई प्रजातन्त्रको पर्याय ठान्दै आउनु अन्य दलका लागि जति अप्रिय भए पनि सो चित्रणस“ग पर्ूण्ातः असहमत हुन सकिने अवस्था छैन ।
२००७, ०४६ र ०६३ सालका आन्दोलनहरूको नेतृत्व गैर काङ्ग्रेसी -अर्थात्, नेपाली सर्न्दर्भमा वामपन्थी) दलले गर ेको भए तिनले हाम्रँे भूर ाजनीतिक संवेदनशीलताका माझ कस्तो अन्तर्र ाष्ट्रिय र्समर्थन पाउने थिए भनेर ठम्याउन त्यति गाह्रँे पर्दैन । तत्कालीन सर कार हरूलाई पनि आन्दोलनको प्रतिकार गर्न निकै सजिलो हुन्थ्यो होला ।
तर , हाम्रँसामु कटु यथार्थ के पनि हो भने ०१७ र ०५९ सालका र ाजनीतिक दर्ुघटनाका कार क पनि काङ्ग्रेस नै बन्यो । दर बार लाई जति सर ापे पनि घटनाक्रमको विकासलाई लुकाउन सकिन्न । सत्तँबाहिर र ह“दा कैयौ“ प्रतिकूलतामाझ प्रजातन्त्रप्रति त्यसर ी समर्पित र हन सक्ने दलले सर कार मा छ“दा त्यसको संर क्षण गर्न नसक्नुमा प्रतिस्पर्धीहरूस“ग उसले बढाएको दूर ीका साथै आन्तरि क कलह जिम्मेवार रहेका छन् ।
विचार एउटा शाश्वत आदर्शभन्दा पनि सङ् गठनलाई साकार स्वरूप दिने विविध स्वार्थ समूहहरू समायोजन गर्ने अस्त्र बनेको दलमा र्सतर्कता र सावधानीको निर न्तर ता झनै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा हुनुपर्ने हो । तर , प्रजातन्त्र आगमनलाई नै अन्तिम सफलता मान्ने काङ्ग्रेसी धृष्टताको मूल्य सार ा मुलुकले तिर्दै आएको हाम्रँे इतिहास छ ।
संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा काङ्ग्रेसले दोस्रो स्थान पाउ“दा त्यसलाई र्'र्समनाक' भन्न नेताहरूले छोड्न सकेका छैनन् । त्यसो त वामपन्थी मत दर्ुइ ठूला दलमा विभाजित हु“दा पनि फाइदा लिन नसकेको पीडा असह्य हुने नै भयो । प्रधानमन्त्रीको पद र प्रमुख मन्त्रालयहरू आफूस“गै हु“दा पनि माओवादीहरूले त्यसर ी जित्न सक्नुले काङ्ग्रेसीहरूलाई अझ पोलेको हुनर्ुपर्दछ
सङ्गठनमा मौलाएको चर म नातावाद र कृपावाद, भ्रष्टाचार मा आर ोपित नेताहरूलाई पार्टर्ीी दिएको प्रश्रय एवम् नेताहरूको सत्तामा पुगेपछि प्रजातान्त्रिक मूल्य र मान्यता बिर्सने प्रवृत्तिजस्ता विषयहरू स्वयम् काङ्ग्रेसीहरूले औ“ल्याउने गर ेको धेर ै भइसक्यो । तर , यसपालि त दल परि चयको सङ्कटमै पर्यो ।
प्रधानमन्त्री गिरि जाप्रसाद कोइर ालाले शान्तिप्रक्रियालाई जसर ी भए पनि कायम र ाख्ने नाममा आफ्नै दलका असहमतिहरू बेवास्ता गर्दै माओवादीका र्सत एकपछि अर्को मान्दै गए । उता कोइर ाला परि वार भित्र उत्तर ाधिकार ी हुने होडमा कसैले दर बार त कसैले माओवादीलाई समाउन पुगे । पार्टर्ीीकीकर ण भएपछि पनि दुवै खेमाका नेताहरूले भावनात्मक एकता भइनसकेको र्सार्वजनिक घोषणा गर्न छाडेनन् ।
बीपी कोइर ालाको र ाष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीतिको पुनःव्याख्या गर्ने क्रममा काङ्ग्रेसीहरूले कृष्णप्रसाद भट्टरर् ाई र तार ानाथ र ानाभाटजस्ता नेताहरूलाई प्रतिगामीको बिल्ला भिर ाइदिए । अहिले आएर र ाजावादीको कम्तीमा १० प्रतिशत मत हुनैपथ्र्यो र त्यो सबै कुनै षड्यन्त्रका आधार मा माओवादीलाई गएको गुनासो गर ेर मात्र के गर्ने -
संविधानसभा, गणतन्त्र, समावेशी र ाज्य संर चनाजस्ता नार ा माओवादीकै थियो । र ाजतन्त्रस“ग नाता तोडे पनि काङ् ग्रेसले धर्म, पर म्पर ा र संस्कृतिका सकार ात्मक सन्देशलाई अघि बढाउन सक्ने थियो । यथास्िथतिवादलाई समूल तिर स्कार गर्न काङ्ग्रेसलाई उसको चरि त्र र व्यवहार ले नै दि“दैन थियो । क्रान्तिकार ी बन्ने होडमा ऊ पछाडि पर्नु नै थियो र पर्यो पनि ।
एक जुगमा एकपल्ट मात्र आउने भनिएको दिनले पनि विगतका संसदीय निर्वाचनहरूभन्दा त्यस्तो उल्लेख्य सङ्ख्यामा मतदाता आकर्षा गर्न सकेन । डर -त्रासका भर मा माओवादीहरूले चुनाव जिते भनेर टाउको ठटाएर के गर्ने - समग्र चुनाव अभियानलाई स्वदेशी र विदेशी अनुगमनकर्ताका आ“खैमुनि आफू अनुकूल बनाउ“दा काङ् ग्रेस बेखबर र हनुको जिम्मा माओवादीहरूले लिने कुर ै भएन ।
जनादेशको कदर गर्दै मूलधार मा अग्रस्थान बनाउन सफल पर्ूवव्रि्रोहीलाई सर कार बनाउन दिनुपर्ने ठहर नितान्त प्रजातान्त्रिक नै हो । तर , चुनावपछि पनि वचन र कर्मले प्रतिस्पर्धामूलक बहुदलीय पद्धत्रि्रति पर्ूण्ा निष्ठा देखाउन नसकेको दलका हातमा सत्तँको बागडोर सुम्पन्न तत्पर नहुनुलाई अप्रजातान्त्रिक भनिहाल्न पनि सजिलो छैन । अन्य कुनै दलले यसर ी जनमतद्वार ा आफूभन्दा ठूलो सावित भएको सङ्गठनलाई सत्तँ हस्तान्तर ण गर्न आनाकानी गर ेको भए अन्तर्र ाष्ट्रिय समुदायको धर्ैय पहिल्यै टुटिसक्ने थियो ।
काङ्ग्रेसको पर ाजयका कार णहरू जेजस्ता भए पनि त्यो घातकचाहि“ पक्कै होइन । प्रजातन्त्रको प्रभामण्डल ऊस“गै सुर क्षित छ । कम्तीमा एमालेले नाम र झन्डा नफेर ेसम्म यो र ाजनीतिक पु“जीमा काङ्ग्रेसी एकाधिकार र हिर हनेछ । यसमा काङ्ग्रेसले गौर व मान्न सक्छ भने घमण्ड गर्न पनि सक्छ ।
सञ्जय उपाध्याय
नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसभित्र उठेको सत्ता छाड्नुपर्ने र नेकपा माओवादीका लागि र ाजनीतिक मैदान खाली गर्न नहुने दुवै तर्कले सो पार्टर्ीी मुलुकमा ओगटेको विशिष्ट स्थानलाई प्रतिविम्बित गर ेको छ । काङ्ग्रेसले सधै“ आफूलाई प्रजातन्त्रको पर्याय ठान्दै आउनु अन्य दलका लागि जति अप्रिय भए पनि सो चित्रणस“ग पर्ूण्ातः असहमत हुन सकिने अवस्था छैन ।
२००७, ०४६ र ०६३ सालका आन्दोलनहरूको नेतृत्व गैर काङ्ग्रेसी -अर्थात्, नेपाली सर्न्दर्भमा वामपन्थी) दलले गर ेको भए तिनले हाम्रँे भूर ाजनीतिक संवेदनशीलताका माझ कस्तो अन्तर्र ाष्ट्रिय र्समर्थन पाउने थिए भनेर ठम्याउन त्यति गाह्रँे पर्दैन । तत्कालीन सर कार हरूलाई पनि आन्दोलनको प्रतिकार गर्न निकै सजिलो हुन्थ्यो होला ।
तर , हाम्रँसामु कटु यथार्थ के पनि हो भने ०१७ र ०५९ सालका र ाजनीतिक दर्ुघटनाका कार क पनि काङ्ग्रेस नै बन्यो । दर बार लाई जति सर ापे पनि घटनाक्रमको विकासलाई लुकाउन सकिन्न । सत्तँबाहिर र ह“दा कैयौ“ प्रतिकूलतामाझ प्रजातन्त्रप्रति त्यसर ी समर्पित र हन सक्ने दलले सर कार मा छ“दा त्यसको संर क्षण गर्न नसक्नुमा प्रतिस्पर्धीहरूस“ग उसले बढाएको दूर ीका साथै आन्तरि क कलह जिम्मेवार रहेका छन् ।
विचार एउटा शाश्वत आदर्शभन्दा पनि सङ् गठनलाई साकार स्वरूप दिने विविध स्वार्थ समूहहरू समायोजन गर्ने अस्त्र बनेको दलमा र्सतर्कता र सावधानीको निर न्तर ता झनै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा हुनुपर्ने हो । तर , प्रजातन्त्र आगमनलाई नै अन्तिम सफलता मान्ने काङ्ग्रेसी धृष्टताको मूल्य सार ा मुलुकले तिर्दै आएको हाम्रँे इतिहास छ ।
संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा काङ्ग्रेसले दोस्रो स्थान पाउ“दा त्यसलाई र्'र्समनाक' भन्न नेताहरूले छोड्न सकेका छैनन् । त्यसो त वामपन्थी मत दर्ुइ ठूला दलमा विभाजित हु“दा पनि फाइदा लिन नसकेको पीडा असह्य हुने नै भयो । प्रधानमन्त्रीको पद र प्रमुख मन्त्रालयहरू आफूस“गै हु“दा पनि माओवादीहरूले त्यसर ी जित्न सक्नुले काङ्ग्रेसीहरूलाई अझ पोलेको हुनर्ुपर्दछ
सङ्गठनमा मौलाएको चर म नातावाद र कृपावाद, भ्रष्टाचार मा आर ोपित नेताहरूलाई पार्टर्ीी दिएको प्रश्रय एवम् नेताहरूको सत्तामा पुगेपछि प्रजातान्त्रिक मूल्य र मान्यता बिर्सने प्रवृत्तिजस्ता विषयहरू स्वयम् काङ्ग्रेसीहरूले औ“ल्याउने गर ेको धेर ै भइसक्यो । तर , यसपालि त दल परि चयको सङ्कटमै पर्यो ।
प्रधानमन्त्री गिरि जाप्रसाद कोइर ालाले शान्तिप्रक्रियालाई जसर ी भए पनि कायम र ाख्ने नाममा आफ्नै दलका असहमतिहरू बेवास्ता गर्दै माओवादीका र्सत एकपछि अर्को मान्दै गए । उता कोइर ाला परि वार भित्र उत्तर ाधिकार ी हुने होडमा कसैले दर बार त कसैले माओवादीलाई समाउन पुगे । पार्टर्ीीकीकर ण भएपछि पनि दुवै खेमाका नेताहरूले भावनात्मक एकता भइनसकेको र्सार्वजनिक घोषणा गर्न छाडेनन् ।
बीपी कोइर ालाको र ाष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीतिको पुनःव्याख्या गर्ने क्रममा काङ्ग्रेसीहरूले कृष्णप्रसाद भट्टरर् ाई र तार ानाथ र ानाभाटजस्ता नेताहरूलाई प्रतिगामीको बिल्ला भिर ाइदिए । अहिले आएर र ाजावादीको कम्तीमा १० प्रतिशत मत हुनैपथ्र्यो र त्यो सबै कुनै षड्यन्त्रका आधार मा माओवादीलाई गएको गुनासो गर ेर मात्र के गर्ने -
संविधानसभा, गणतन्त्र, समावेशी र ाज्य संर चनाजस्ता नार ा माओवादीकै थियो । र ाजतन्त्रस“ग नाता तोडे पनि काङ् ग्रेसले धर्म, पर म्पर ा र संस्कृतिका सकार ात्मक सन्देशलाई अघि बढाउन सक्ने थियो । यथास्िथतिवादलाई समूल तिर स्कार गर्न काङ्ग्रेसलाई उसको चरि त्र र व्यवहार ले नै दि“दैन थियो । क्रान्तिकार ी बन्ने होडमा ऊ पछाडि पर्नु नै थियो र पर्यो पनि ।
एक जुगमा एकपल्ट मात्र आउने भनिएको दिनले पनि विगतका संसदीय निर्वाचनहरूभन्दा त्यस्तो उल्लेख्य सङ्ख्यामा मतदाता आकर्षा गर्न सकेन । डर -त्रासका भर मा माओवादीहरूले चुनाव जिते भनेर टाउको ठटाएर के गर्ने - समग्र चुनाव अभियानलाई स्वदेशी र विदेशी अनुगमनकर्ताका आ“खैमुनि आफू अनुकूल बनाउ“दा काङ् ग्रेस बेखबर र हनुको जिम्मा माओवादीहरूले लिने कुर ै भएन ।
जनादेशको कदर गर्दै मूलधार मा अग्रस्थान बनाउन सफल पर्ूवव्रि्रोहीलाई सर कार बनाउन दिनुपर्ने ठहर नितान्त प्रजातान्त्रिक नै हो । तर , चुनावपछि पनि वचन र कर्मले प्रतिस्पर्धामूलक बहुदलीय पद्धत्रि्रति पर्ूण्ा निष्ठा देखाउन नसकेको दलका हातमा सत्तँको बागडोर सुम्पन्न तत्पर नहुनुलाई अप्रजातान्त्रिक भनिहाल्न पनि सजिलो छैन । अन्य कुनै दलले यसर ी जनमतद्वार ा आफूभन्दा ठूलो सावित भएको सङ्गठनलाई सत्तँ हस्तान्तर ण गर्न आनाकानी गर ेको भए अन्तर्र ाष्ट्रिय समुदायको धर्ैय पहिल्यै टुटिसक्ने थियो ।
काङ्ग्रेसको पर ाजयका कार णहरू जेजस्ता भए पनि त्यो घातकचाहि“ पक्कै होइन । प्रजातन्त्रको प्रभामण्डल ऊस“गै सुर क्षित छ । कम्तीमा एमालेले नाम र झन्डा नफेर ेसम्म यो र ाजनीतिक पु“जीमा काङ्ग्रेसी एकाधिकार र हिर हनेछ । यसमा काङ्ग्रेसले गौर व मान्न सक्छ भने घमण्ड गर्न पनि सक्छ ।
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
Implications of a hung CA
By DR BIPIN ADHIKARI
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=146272
The Kathmandu Post, May 8, 2008
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007, which pledged a Constituent Assembly (CA) to the people, has done so without enumerating its constituent powers whatsoever.
All that this constitution provides for is a guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to participate in a free and impartial election to the CA and frame a constitution for themselves through this organ. The Interim Constitution does not guarantee that the sovereign house will have no limitations in its constituent powers or that it will not be constrained by the decisions of the interim legislature or the interim government on the basis of this constitution or by any executive agreement that it has signed with rebellious groups in the pre-election period.
As such, the guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to frame a new constitution does not imply the unencumbered sovereign capacity of the CA to draft a new constitution of its choice without any limitations on its powers.
The assembly is intended to operate within two concrete a priori formulations. Article 159 declares that (a) Nepal shall be a federal state and (b) a country with a democratic republican setup. The first formulation concerns sharing of sovereign powers between political units, which do not exist till now in the Nepali consciousness, and the second concerns dispensing with the monarchy, which allegedly lost its credibility in the fight against the Maoists.
As to these preconditions, while the nature of the federal state is something still to be worked on, Article 159 requires that the transition to a republic be made at the first meeting of the CA. To give effect to this formulation, the parties in the alliance even dropped the clause requiring a simple parliamentary majority by the third amendment to the Constitution.
It is just by chance that the operation of this provision is tied to Article 75 which ensures that all questions submitted for a decision to the CA, except as otherwise provided in Part 7 of the constitution, must be decided by a majority vote of the members present and voting. Accordingly, the alleged first meeting must also pass a motion to this effect by a working majority in the House in order to abolish the monarchy.
Similarly, the constitutional declaration that Nepal shall be a federal state comes ahead of its due date. Ordinarily, it is the elected delegates of the CA, who have the responsibility of deciding what form of government is best for Nepal, who should make the decision. With this clause inserted into the constitution, the debate has now been carefully shifted to the issue of autonomy, which had not been the demand of the natives of this country so far.
This shows the enormity of the contradictions that the CA finds itself in. A genuine CA by definition can only be convoked under conditions of full democratic liberties of the delegates, permitting the participation of all the parties concerned, and without any external or internal limitations on its constitution making powers.
A CA is not a legislature that is supposed to be governed under express or implied limitations on its constituent powers. It is a self-sufficient source of power from which all specifics of a state are to be derived. As a corollary, it should be able to exert paramount control over the constitution while making the frame of the government and its administration. While the Interim Constitution might have given birth to the CA in the normal course of political development, the assembly can chart out its future ways without any guidance from the parent document and forge ahead with its own terms and conditions. Otherwise, there is no difference between a normal legislature and a CA intending to give a fresh start.
However, the faulty Interim Constitution has outsmarted its architects in two very surprising ways. First, as far as the general rule of the constitution is concerned, the members of the CA must vote on each and every article of the draft constitution in order to pass it; and failing unanimous passage of the motion, at least two-thirds of the total members of the CA must give it a unanimous exit to turn it into the new constitution.
So, even if the first meeting of the assembly, for example, were to abolish the monarchy and establish a republican state by a simple majority, the move cannot in anyway pre-empt the power of the CA members to reintroduce a new motion restoring the monarchy in due time and pass it by a two-thirds majority. There is nothing in the constitution which can restrain this motion; and as long as there are people in the House to table such a motion and to support it by a required strength, the monarch is here to stay. This means that, contrary to popular belief, the king's fate will remain undecided until the new constitution is promulgated. Same with the declaration of a federal state.
Secondly, the faulty system of proportional representation that the architects of the Interim Constitution introduced with little knowledge of the ensuing structure has already generated a mixed political lot in the assembly. As no party has an outright majority, what we have is a hung CA, and there are many parties in the House which do not share the political platform of the Seven-Party Alliance (which had monopolized the process of drafting the Interim Constitution). The House is compelled to work with these uneasy political partners.
As the constitution does not provide for the dissolution of the assembly on any ground, except when the objective has been accomplished, a hung assembly is bound to work out either a coalition government or a minority government with the support of these backbenchers. The requirement of a two-thirds majority in the constitution making process will force the ruling elite to redefine issues like federalism and monarchy in the overall context of the state's restructuring. The smaller parties in power will make a lot of difference when major constitutional policies are sorted out in the House.
There are some who have already started an exercise (in futility) to help produce a national government eliminating the prospect of any opposition in the constitution making process. The Seven-Party Alliance is almost an exercise of this type, which has already served its purpose. But it is inconceivable that it can continue any longer in the new scenario. In any case, such a national government has a very poor reputation historically. Whether it is the national government of GP Koirala (2006-08) or of British Prime Ministers Ramsay MacDonald, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain (which held office from 1931 until 1940), all have been a liability to the nation. Fortunately, a loyal opposition is going to be prominent in Nepal for the next two years. This opposition is going to make sure that the nation is in safe hands.
Additionally, a coalition government led by a party which has lost its credibility before the majority of the people can be equally destructive to the cause of the nation. Nepal is surely familiar with the hung parliament after 1995. It is perhaps not out of place to mention that even in the 1974 general election in the UK, sitting Prime Minister Edward Heath had refused to resign at first, attempting to build a coalition government despite winning fewer seats than the then opposition Labour Party. So if Prime Minister Koirala is still trying to hang on to his post, it should come as no surprise. But the House itself is going to take offence against such ambitions.
The structural limits on the power of the CA and unauthorized normative or inspirational impositions are going to grow fainter due to the operation of the hung CA. This is good for the country.
lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com
Posted on: 2008-05-07 20:01:25 (Server Time)
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=146272
The Kathmandu Post, May 8, 2008
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007, which pledged a Constituent Assembly (CA) to the people, has done so without enumerating its constituent powers whatsoever.
All that this constitution provides for is a guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to participate in a free and impartial election to the CA and frame a constitution for themselves through this organ. The Interim Constitution does not guarantee that the sovereign house will have no limitations in its constituent powers or that it will not be constrained by the decisions of the interim legislature or the interim government on the basis of this constitution or by any executive agreement that it has signed with rebellious groups in the pre-election period.
As such, the guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to frame a new constitution does not imply the unencumbered sovereign capacity of the CA to draft a new constitution of its choice without any limitations on its powers.
The assembly is intended to operate within two concrete a priori formulations. Article 159 declares that (a) Nepal shall be a federal state and (b) a country with a democratic republican setup. The first formulation concerns sharing of sovereign powers between political units, which do not exist till now in the Nepali consciousness, and the second concerns dispensing with the monarchy, which allegedly lost its credibility in the fight against the Maoists.
As to these preconditions, while the nature of the federal state is something still to be worked on, Article 159 requires that the transition to a republic be made at the first meeting of the CA. To give effect to this formulation, the parties in the alliance even dropped the clause requiring a simple parliamentary majority by the third amendment to the Constitution.
It is just by chance that the operation of this provision is tied to Article 75 which ensures that all questions submitted for a decision to the CA, except as otherwise provided in Part 7 of the constitution, must be decided by a majority vote of the members present and voting. Accordingly, the alleged first meeting must also pass a motion to this effect by a working majority in the House in order to abolish the monarchy.
Similarly, the constitutional declaration that Nepal shall be a federal state comes ahead of its due date. Ordinarily, it is the elected delegates of the CA, who have the responsibility of deciding what form of government is best for Nepal, who should make the decision. With this clause inserted into the constitution, the debate has now been carefully shifted to the issue of autonomy, which had not been the demand of the natives of this country so far.
This shows the enormity of the contradictions that the CA finds itself in. A genuine CA by definition can only be convoked under conditions of full democratic liberties of the delegates, permitting the participation of all the parties concerned, and without any external or internal limitations on its constitution making powers.
A CA is not a legislature that is supposed to be governed under express or implied limitations on its constituent powers. It is a self-sufficient source of power from which all specifics of a state are to be derived. As a corollary, it should be able to exert paramount control over the constitution while making the frame of the government and its administration. While the Interim Constitution might have given birth to the CA in the normal course of political development, the assembly can chart out its future ways without any guidance from the parent document and forge ahead with its own terms and conditions. Otherwise, there is no difference between a normal legislature and a CA intending to give a fresh start.
However, the faulty Interim Constitution has outsmarted its architects in two very surprising ways. First, as far as the general rule of the constitution is concerned, the members of the CA must vote on each and every article of the draft constitution in order to pass it; and failing unanimous passage of the motion, at least two-thirds of the total members of the CA must give it a unanimous exit to turn it into the new constitution.
So, even if the first meeting of the assembly, for example, were to abolish the monarchy and establish a republican state by a simple majority, the move cannot in anyway pre-empt the power of the CA members to reintroduce a new motion restoring the monarchy in due time and pass it by a two-thirds majority. There is nothing in the constitution which can restrain this motion; and as long as there are people in the House to table such a motion and to support it by a required strength, the monarch is here to stay. This means that, contrary to popular belief, the king's fate will remain undecided until the new constitution is promulgated. Same with the declaration of a federal state.
Secondly, the faulty system of proportional representation that the architects of the Interim Constitution introduced with little knowledge of the ensuing structure has already generated a mixed political lot in the assembly. As no party has an outright majority, what we have is a hung CA, and there are many parties in the House which do not share the political platform of the Seven-Party Alliance (which had monopolized the process of drafting the Interim Constitution). The House is compelled to work with these uneasy political partners.
As the constitution does not provide for the dissolution of the assembly on any ground, except when the objective has been accomplished, a hung assembly is bound to work out either a coalition government or a minority government with the support of these backbenchers. The requirement of a two-thirds majority in the constitution making process will force the ruling elite to redefine issues like federalism and monarchy in the overall context of the state's restructuring. The smaller parties in power will make a lot of difference when major constitutional policies are sorted out in the House.
There are some who have already started an exercise (in futility) to help produce a national government eliminating the prospect of any opposition in the constitution making process. The Seven-Party Alliance is almost an exercise of this type, which has already served its purpose. But it is inconceivable that it can continue any longer in the new scenario. In any case, such a national government has a very poor reputation historically. Whether it is the national government of GP Koirala (2006-08) or of British Prime Ministers Ramsay MacDonald, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain (which held office from 1931 until 1940), all have been a liability to the nation. Fortunately, a loyal opposition is going to be prominent in Nepal for the next two years. This opposition is going to make sure that the nation is in safe hands.
Additionally, a coalition government led by a party which has lost its credibility before the majority of the people can be equally destructive to the cause of the nation. Nepal is surely familiar with the hung parliament after 1995. It is perhaps not out of place to mention that even in the 1974 general election in the UK, sitting Prime Minister Edward Heath had refused to resign at first, attempting to build a coalition government despite winning fewer seats than the then opposition Labour Party. So if Prime Minister Koirala is still trying to hang on to his post, it should come as no surprise. But the House itself is going to take offence against such ambitions.
The structural limits on the power of the CA and unauthorized normative or inspirational impositions are going to grow fainter due to the operation of the hung CA. This is good for the country.
lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com
Posted on: 2008-05-07 20:01:25 (Server Time)
Sunday, May 4, 2008
Inexplicable Results
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/contents/2008/englishweekly/spotlight/apr/apr18/coverstory.php
VOL. 27, NO. 31, April 18, 2008 (Baishakh 06 2065 B.S.)
Wining majority from out of 240 seats allotted for first-past -post system, the CPN-Maoist, which is yet to receive global recognition as a mainstream party, has turned Nepal, a back water of world's largest democratic country, into a red field. Although the counting of votes for another 335 seats allotted for the proportional representative system is yet to complete, it is almost certain that CPN-Maoist is going to emerge as the single largest party in the Constituent Assembly Elections 2008. The result is inexplicable but CPN-Maoist, a party which fought a decade long violent insurgency – got the mandate in an election which international observers described as free and fair. In a country where a minority government of CPN-UML collapsed in nine months, how long another government led by a radical Maoist will be watched with great interest
By KESHAB POUDEL
"The results of the present election were unexpected. We had not imagined that our party will win such a large number of seats," said CPN-Maoist leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai to The Kathmandu Post.
"This result surprised us as our candidates have suffered badly," said CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, who resigned just a few days back following the election results.
"How the Maoists won the election in so many places is surprising," said Nepali Congress leader Sher Bahadur Deuba, after his victory in two constituencies in far western districts.
Prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who was congratulated by international observers including former American president Jimmy Carter, too, is shocked by the results. "I didn't imagine that our party will be rooted out in such a manner. Just wait for few more days before deciding to quit the government," prime minister Koirala told his colleagues who had gone to meet him at his residence in Baluwatar on Monday.
Not only the top leaders, common people in the streets, too, are very surprised to see the outcome. This is the reason there is no jubilation and happiness despite the wave of victory in favor of the Maoists and there is no spontaneous support and jubilant mass of the people. The only persons participating in the election rallies are the party cadres.
Constitutional Provisions
With the elections to the Constituent Assembly accomplished, the focus of political debate in Nepal has at once shifted from the electoral issues to the issues involving formation of a new government according to the fresh mandate.
“But in the absence of a clear direction under the Constitution, which suffers from many deliberate lacunas and caveats, a very constitutional process is about to be handled in a very controversial way. It is giving the impression that even after housing 601 assemblymen, freshly elected and nominated, the culture of ad hocism does not intend to disappear,” said Dr Bipin Adhikari, lawyer and constitutional analyst.
According to Article 38(1) of the Interim Constitution, the Prime Minister is to be appointed on the basis of political consensus. “There is no provision in the Constitution as to who should initiate the process; how it should be done; and whether there are standards of conduct to get it done. Political consensus is the rule even if there is a majority party in the House. Although the Council of Ministers is to be formed under the Prime Minister's chairmanship, the Council itself is to be the product of political consensus. In this jurisprudence of consensus, the difference between those who have more popular support, and those who have barely survived, is not constitutionally recognized. So, essentially, a majority Prime Minister has no majoritarian power, even if that means disregard to the voters, and the fresh mandate the voters have conferred on the Prime Minister,” said Dr. Adhikari.
The Constitution clearly states that if consensus cannot be reached as above, the Prime Minister shall be elected by a majority of two-thirds of the members of the Constituent Assembly. Even if this provision is rationalised as a stimulant towards consensual process of constitution making, it does not stand out as an acceptable rule of law.
According to Dr. Adhikari, a unicameral house of 601 person is a very loud arrangement. It is impracticable also because the interim Constitution has not provided any mini-legislature within the Constituent Assembly to work on legislative and policy issues so that these jobs are done professionally, and through a deliberative process. It is too much for all 601 assembly men to work in the Constituent Assembly as legislators, and in a meaningful way.
The present result of first-past-post system is just one of the forms decided to elect the members for Constituent Assembly as there is just 240 seats allotted under this system.
According to article 63 of the Interim Constitution, the constituent assembly consists of 601 members. Under the proportional representation system there will be 335 members, 240 under the first-past-post system and 26 are nominated on the recommendation of the cabinet.
For the purpose of this constitution "political consensus" means the political consensus reached between the seven political parties- Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (UML), Janmoracha Nepal, Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandadevi), Nepal Majdur Kishan Party, Samyukta Janmorcha and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).
After 1995 when CPN-UML formed a government as a single largest party, this is first time in the history of Nepal when communist party with radical ideology has won such a large seats in the election held under the observation of more than one thousand observers led by former US president Jimmy Carter and United Nations Mission to Nepal.
Despite monitoring by international observers, the election was full of violence and threats. From daughter of prime minister Koirala, Sujata Koirala to many other NC leaders who lost the elections lost due to intimidation and threat.
Even many goons came from across the border to terrorize the voters of Sujata Koirala in her constituency 3 of Sunsari. One of Sujata's workers died in cross firing in the bordering polling booth.
"Don't ask me about election. I cried for help from all sides. I did not receive any support. EC was one sided and administration was not concerned about mass rigging," said Koirala.
Though Nepali voters are hailed as a peaceful and conscious voters, Nepalese have tendencies to back one extreme to another without knowing its fall out. When King dissolved the elected parliament in 2002, people welcomed it by lighting the lamps. In similar way, people welcomed the move of February 1,2006 action of the King. They welcomed the interim government led by Koirala and all its actions without any resentment. In the election, they voted radical communist outfit to power without knowing its implications on their life like in CPN-UML in 1992 elections.
Reasons Behind Election Debacle
Several reasons work for the debacle of two parties. One of the main reasons of debacle of Nepali Congress and CPN-UML is their long negative list. Those who had negative views against those two parties voted Maoists as a next choice.
The second important reason was that voters decided to give a chance to fresh players. At a time when there is no plus point in favor of CPN-UML and Nepali Congress –which followed the Maoist line - people saw the Maoists as better alternative.
Nepali Congress has lost a big monarchist vote bank and people disliked CPN-UML because of its feeble stands on political issues. CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal- who was also a member of constitution drafting committee in 1990, proved to be inconsistent.
Along with others, CPN-UML also gave up its stand on nationalism. CPN-UML was completely silent over the citizenship Act, water resources treaty and other such sentimental issues. Except anti-monarchy posturing, nothing was left to Nepali Congress and CPN-UML to compete with Maoists. However, the Maoists established itself as an anti-monarchical force long before them.
At the last minute, Maoist even issued statement urging Royalist to vote for them.
People have seen Nepali Congress and CPN-UML's role in the government turn by turn. However, among three players, Maoists were untested. This also prompted voters to vote for Maoists.
Other major reason for Maoist victory is deep rooted fear psychology. Rural people decided not to take the risk of voting other parties. When there was a wide spread rumor in the rural areas about Maoist threat and intimidation, no one could dare to risk their life by not voting the Maoists.
Even in his last leg of political campaign, CPN-Maoist leader Prachanda urged his cadres to behave as Gandhiji for seven days. That means they would continue to use drastic methods after the election.
"One of the main reasons behind our devastation is our failure to convince the rural voters that they will be safe after the election for CA," said senior CPN-UML leader Pradeep Nepal.
In an indication of how the Maoists would behave in coming days, on Monday (April 14) Maoists attacked finance minister Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat and his convoy when he was on his way home after winning election in Nuwakot
Because of guarantee of security in urban areas and presence of huge international observers, the population in urban areas did not feel any threat. However, the situation in rural Nepal was very difficult. By winning from a constituency in Rautahat district, a wanted man Babban Singh showed how threat works in rural areas.
The role of unseen power was the most significant to notice. "Maoists have been used for first phase of destabilization in Nepal from 1996-2007 by this unseen power. Now, Maoists can be used for second phase of operation in Nepal to have upper hand in Nepal security," said a political analyst.
International Response
International response to the Maoist victory is positive now. India which has backed Maoists and seven party alliance since November 2006 permitting them to ink the 12 point agreement in New Delhi has already expressed satisfaction. From Indian point of view, this is a great success as they have covertly backed parties and Maoist up to the present point.
Indian ambassador to Nepal Shiv Shanker Mukherjee has already met Maoist leader Prachanda and congratulated him for the success of his party in the election. " India has taken the Maoist victory in constituent assembly elections in Nepal as a positive development," said Indian foreign minister Pranab Mukherjee. "We support the Maoist victory in the April 10 Constituent Assembly election in Nepal and view it as a positive development. The Maoists have successfully taken part in the democratic process. It will now be easier to India to work with the democratically elected government of Nepal."
The United States - which still tags Maoists in its terrorist watch list – has mumbled few words of congratulations for conducting election. For Europeans, they were in constant touch with the Maoist leadership.
Nepal's other neighbor China also expressed satisfaction over the way the constituent assembly election was held.
Lessons For Nepali Congress
Nepali Congress legendary leader B.P. Koirala often said that Nepali Congress has no utility if it gives up the policy of national reconciliation. "If we give up national reconciliation, which is based on nationalism and democracy, our role will diminish. We must understand that we will lose our identity in case we give up national reconciliation," said Koirala in his book King, Nationalism and Politics (Raja, Rastriyata and Rajniti).
"National unity cannot be achieved in vacuum. Which means that the people factor and the monarchy must combine, that there must be total understanding between these two elements of national life. The alternative to this is ruin. That is what I feel and, therefore, I do not contemplate any alternative to this," said B.P. Koirala in his interview to Bhola Chatterji, an Indian journalist in 1979.
However, joining hands with extremists and following their ideology, Nepali Congress has badly suffered in the election. Although he is regarded as a hero by international community, prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala is completely a loser at his end of political carrier. He pushed Nepali Congress from largest party with majority to nowhere.
Challenges For Newly Elected body
The greatest challenge for the elected representatives of the people is to realize their responsibility as trustee of the people – the sovereign. “In no way, this elected body would be under a bondage to follow the diktat of the dubious power centers of the party or elsewhere. Though it was an avoidable game of populism, the CA is a reality. It will have to take up every issue in the constitution making in accordance with the fresh mandate of the people. It is under no compulsion to endorse the ruling or decisions of the previous nominated house of legislators," said the analyst. “The greatest challenge to Nepal at present is a question of survival as a truly independent, democratic and prosperous nation.”
"We will bring peace, stability and prosperity to the people. We will work to protect our independence and sovereignty," said Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda in his victory rally.
While taking about these consensus issues, national unity is the first and foremost task ahead.
"It requires a caliber in the leadership, a long term vision and accommodative attitude. People of Nepal have always been supportive of the political ideals of broadest unity between different sections of the people. B.P. Koirala is all the time remembered by different ideological groups of Nepal mainly because of his politics of reconciliation based upon a long term vision," said the political analyst.
Issue of Monarchy
Although article 159(2) of the interim constitution declares that the implementation of transition to republic shall be made at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, the parties are yet to make new decision on it. The newly elected body has to discuss over the utility of institution of monarchy in its first session. Since time immemorial, it has been the most significant continuity from the past. The newly elected body has to balance the pros and cons of its utility and legislate about its fate.
"This legislative body is not going to be a rubber stamp of any past decision. As it represents the sovereignty of the people with its fresh mandate, it cannot remain under duress from the seen and unseen centers of powers or irrational decisions of the past," said the analyst. "As it is going to consider things in a long term perspective, it has to evaluate the role of traditional institution maintaining traditional faith of the people as a stabling factor."
The election results showed that it was neither about the king against the people or upper cast Vs lower cast or Madhes Vs Pahad. Many members who actively took part in King's direct rule have won the election and some of them are contesting the election through proportional representation. Former regional administrator under King's direct rule Mrigendra Kumar Singh Yadav and former assistant minister under his direct rule Govinda Chaudhari won the election as candidates of Terai Madhesh Loktantrick Party and Bijaya Kumar Gachhedar - who was reportedly soft about King's direct rule - also secured victory from two constituencies in the election as a candidate of MJF.
Many people of hilly origin won seats from Madhesh contesting as candidates of major parties Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist. They won seats in all 22 districts of plain, which Madhesi parties wanted as a separate federal state. In some districts like Bardiya, Kailali, Kanchapur, Jhapa, andUdayapur, these parties swept the polls.
Similarly, many republicans including CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal, Home minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Dr. Shekhar Koirala, Mahesh Acharya also lost the elections. Republican leader Narahari Acharya won the election but at the cost of Nepali Congress which was virtually uprooted in many places.
The Pandora's Box of Constituent Assembly is now reality for Nepal and the country needs a sobriety in the decision making process on the part of the legislators as well as the political parties.
VOL. 27, NO. 31, April 18, 2008 (Baishakh 06 2065 B.S.)
Wining majority from out of 240 seats allotted for first-past -post system, the CPN-Maoist, which is yet to receive global recognition as a mainstream party, has turned Nepal, a back water of world's largest democratic country, into a red field. Although the counting of votes for another 335 seats allotted for the proportional representative system is yet to complete, it is almost certain that CPN-Maoist is going to emerge as the single largest party in the Constituent Assembly Elections 2008. The result is inexplicable but CPN-Maoist, a party which fought a decade long violent insurgency – got the mandate in an election which international observers described as free and fair. In a country where a minority government of CPN-UML collapsed in nine months, how long another government led by a radical Maoist will be watched with great interest
By KESHAB POUDEL
"The results of the present election were unexpected. We had not imagined that our party will win such a large number of seats," said CPN-Maoist leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai to The Kathmandu Post.
"This result surprised us as our candidates have suffered badly," said CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, who resigned just a few days back following the election results.
"How the Maoists won the election in so many places is surprising," said Nepali Congress leader Sher Bahadur Deuba, after his victory in two constituencies in far western districts.
Prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who was congratulated by international observers including former American president Jimmy Carter, too, is shocked by the results. "I didn't imagine that our party will be rooted out in such a manner. Just wait for few more days before deciding to quit the government," prime minister Koirala told his colleagues who had gone to meet him at his residence in Baluwatar on Monday.
Not only the top leaders, common people in the streets, too, are very surprised to see the outcome. This is the reason there is no jubilation and happiness despite the wave of victory in favor of the Maoists and there is no spontaneous support and jubilant mass of the people. The only persons participating in the election rallies are the party cadres.
Constitutional Provisions
With the elections to the Constituent Assembly accomplished, the focus of political debate in Nepal has at once shifted from the electoral issues to the issues involving formation of a new government according to the fresh mandate.
“But in the absence of a clear direction under the Constitution, which suffers from many deliberate lacunas and caveats, a very constitutional process is about to be handled in a very controversial way. It is giving the impression that even after housing 601 assemblymen, freshly elected and nominated, the culture of ad hocism does not intend to disappear,” said Dr Bipin Adhikari, lawyer and constitutional analyst.
According to Article 38(1) of the Interim Constitution, the Prime Minister is to be appointed on the basis of political consensus. “There is no provision in the Constitution as to who should initiate the process; how it should be done; and whether there are standards of conduct to get it done. Political consensus is the rule even if there is a majority party in the House. Although the Council of Ministers is to be formed under the Prime Minister's chairmanship, the Council itself is to be the product of political consensus. In this jurisprudence of consensus, the difference between those who have more popular support, and those who have barely survived, is not constitutionally recognized. So, essentially, a majority Prime Minister has no majoritarian power, even if that means disregard to the voters, and the fresh mandate the voters have conferred on the Prime Minister,” said Dr. Adhikari.
The Constitution clearly states that if consensus cannot be reached as above, the Prime Minister shall be elected by a majority of two-thirds of the members of the Constituent Assembly. Even if this provision is rationalised as a stimulant towards consensual process of constitution making, it does not stand out as an acceptable rule of law.
According to Dr. Adhikari, a unicameral house of 601 person is a very loud arrangement. It is impracticable also because the interim Constitution has not provided any mini-legislature within the Constituent Assembly to work on legislative and policy issues so that these jobs are done professionally, and through a deliberative process. It is too much for all 601 assembly men to work in the Constituent Assembly as legislators, and in a meaningful way.
The present result of first-past-post system is just one of the forms decided to elect the members for Constituent Assembly as there is just 240 seats allotted under this system.
According to article 63 of the Interim Constitution, the constituent assembly consists of 601 members. Under the proportional representation system there will be 335 members, 240 under the first-past-post system and 26 are nominated on the recommendation of the cabinet.
For the purpose of this constitution "political consensus" means the political consensus reached between the seven political parties- Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (UML), Janmoracha Nepal, Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandadevi), Nepal Majdur Kishan Party, Samyukta Janmorcha and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).
After 1995 when CPN-UML formed a government as a single largest party, this is first time in the history of Nepal when communist party with radical ideology has won such a large seats in the election held under the observation of more than one thousand observers led by former US president Jimmy Carter and United Nations Mission to Nepal.
Despite monitoring by international observers, the election was full of violence and threats. From daughter of prime minister Koirala, Sujata Koirala to many other NC leaders who lost the elections lost due to intimidation and threat.
Even many goons came from across the border to terrorize the voters of Sujata Koirala in her constituency 3 of Sunsari. One of Sujata's workers died in cross firing in the bordering polling booth.
"Don't ask me about election. I cried for help from all sides. I did not receive any support. EC was one sided and administration was not concerned about mass rigging," said Koirala.
Though Nepali voters are hailed as a peaceful and conscious voters, Nepalese have tendencies to back one extreme to another without knowing its fall out. When King dissolved the elected parliament in 2002, people welcomed it by lighting the lamps. In similar way, people welcomed the move of February 1,2006 action of the King. They welcomed the interim government led by Koirala and all its actions without any resentment. In the election, they voted radical communist outfit to power without knowing its implications on their life like in CPN-UML in 1992 elections.
Reasons Behind Election Debacle
Several reasons work for the debacle of two parties. One of the main reasons of debacle of Nepali Congress and CPN-UML is their long negative list. Those who had negative views against those two parties voted Maoists as a next choice.
The second important reason was that voters decided to give a chance to fresh players. At a time when there is no plus point in favor of CPN-UML and Nepali Congress –which followed the Maoist line - people saw the Maoists as better alternative.
Nepali Congress has lost a big monarchist vote bank and people disliked CPN-UML because of its feeble stands on political issues. CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal- who was also a member of constitution drafting committee in 1990, proved to be inconsistent.
Along with others, CPN-UML also gave up its stand on nationalism. CPN-UML was completely silent over the citizenship Act, water resources treaty and other such sentimental issues. Except anti-monarchy posturing, nothing was left to Nepali Congress and CPN-UML to compete with Maoists. However, the Maoists established itself as an anti-monarchical force long before them.
At the last minute, Maoist even issued statement urging Royalist to vote for them.
People have seen Nepali Congress and CPN-UML's role in the government turn by turn. However, among three players, Maoists were untested. This also prompted voters to vote for Maoists.
Other major reason for Maoist victory is deep rooted fear psychology. Rural people decided not to take the risk of voting other parties. When there was a wide spread rumor in the rural areas about Maoist threat and intimidation, no one could dare to risk their life by not voting the Maoists.
Even in his last leg of political campaign, CPN-Maoist leader Prachanda urged his cadres to behave as Gandhiji for seven days. That means they would continue to use drastic methods after the election.
"One of the main reasons behind our devastation is our failure to convince the rural voters that they will be safe after the election for CA," said senior CPN-UML leader Pradeep Nepal.
In an indication of how the Maoists would behave in coming days, on Monday (April 14) Maoists attacked finance minister Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat and his convoy when he was on his way home after winning election in Nuwakot
Because of guarantee of security in urban areas and presence of huge international observers, the population in urban areas did not feel any threat. However, the situation in rural Nepal was very difficult. By winning from a constituency in Rautahat district, a wanted man Babban Singh showed how threat works in rural areas.
The role of unseen power was the most significant to notice. "Maoists have been used for first phase of destabilization in Nepal from 1996-2007 by this unseen power. Now, Maoists can be used for second phase of operation in Nepal to have upper hand in Nepal security," said a political analyst.
International Response
International response to the Maoist victory is positive now. India which has backed Maoists and seven party alliance since November 2006 permitting them to ink the 12 point agreement in New Delhi has already expressed satisfaction. From Indian point of view, this is a great success as they have covertly backed parties and Maoist up to the present point.
Indian ambassador to Nepal Shiv Shanker Mukherjee has already met Maoist leader Prachanda and congratulated him for the success of his party in the election. " India has taken the Maoist victory in constituent assembly elections in Nepal as a positive development," said Indian foreign minister Pranab Mukherjee. "We support the Maoist victory in the April 10 Constituent Assembly election in Nepal and view it as a positive development. The Maoists have successfully taken part in the democratic process. It will now be easier to India to work with the democratically elected government of Nepal."
The United States - which still tags Maoists in its terrorist watch list – has mumbled few words of congratulations for conducting election. For Europeans, they were in constant touch with the Maoist leadership.
Nepal's other neighbor China also expressed satisfaction over the way the constituent assembly election was held.
Lessons For Nepali Congress
Nepali Congress legendary leader B.P. Koirala often said that Nepali Congress has no utility if it gives up the policy of national reconciliation. "If we give up national reconciliation, which is based on nationalism and democracy, our role will diminish. We must understand that we will lose our identity in case we give up national reconciliation," said Koirala in his book King, Nationalism and Politics (Raja, Rastriyata and Rajniti).
"National unity cannot be achieved in vacuum. Which means that the people factor and the monarchy must combine, that there must be total understanding between these two elements of national life. The alternative to this is ruin. That is what I feel and, therefore, I do not contemplate any alternative to this," said B.P. Koirala in his interview to Bhola Chatterji, an Indian journalist in 1979.
However, joining hands with extremists and following their ideology, Nepali Congress has badly suffered in the election. Although he is regarded as a hero by international community, prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala is completely a loser at his end of political carrier. He pushed Nepali Congress from largest party with majority to nowhere.
Challenges For Newly Elected body
The greatest challenge for the elected representatives of the people is to realize their responsibility as trustee of the people – the sovereign. “In no way, this elected body would be under a bondage to follow the diktat of the dubious power centers of the party or elsewhere. Though it was an avoidable game of populism, the CA is a reality. It will have to take up every issue in the constitution making in accordance with the fresh mandate of the people. It is under no compulsion to endorse the ruling or decisions of the previous nominated house of legislators," said the analyst. “The greatest challenge to Nepal at present is a question of survival as a truly independent, democratic and prosperous nation.”
"We will bring peace, stability and prosperity to the people. We will work to protect our independence and sovereignty," said Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda in his victory rally.
While taking about these consensus issues, national unity is the first and foremost task ahead.
"It requires a caliber in the leadership, a long term vision and accommodative attitude. People of Nepal have always been supportive of the political ideals of broadest unity between different sections of the people. B.P. Koirala is all the time remembered by different ideological groups of Nepal mainly because of his politics of reconciliation based upon a long term vision," said the political analyst.
Issue of Monarchy
Although article 159(2) of the interim constitution declares that the implementation of transition to republic shall be made at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, the parties are yet to make new decision on it. The newly elected body has to discuss over the utility of institution of monarchy in its first session. Since time immemorial, it has been the most significant continuity from the past. The newly elected body has to balance the pros and cons of its utility and legislate about its fate.
"This legislative body is not going to be a rubber stamp of any past decision. As it represents the sovereignty of the people with its fresh mandate, it cannot remain under duress from the seen and unseen centers of powers or irrational decisions of the past," said the analyst. "As it is going to consider things in a long term perspective, it has to evaluate the role of traditional institution maintaining traditional faith of the people as a stabling factor."
The election results showed that it was neither about the king against the people or upper cast Vs lower cast or Madhes Vs Pahad. Many members who actively took part in King's direct rule have won the election and some of them are contesting the election through proportional representation. Former regional administrator under King's direct rule Mrigendra Kumar Singh Yadav and former assistant minister under his direct rule Govinda Chaudhari won the election as candidates of Terai Madhesh Loktantrick Party and Bijaya Kumar Gachhedar - who was reportedly soft about King's direct rule - also secured victory from two constituencies in the election as a candidate of MJF.
Many people of hilly origin won seats from Madhesh contesting as candidates of major parties Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist. They won seats in all 22 districts of plain, which Madhesi parties wanted as a separate federal state. In some districts like Bardiya, Kailali, Kanchapur, Jhapa, andUdayapur, these parties swept the polls.
Similarly, many republicans including CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal, Home minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Dr. Shekhar Koirala, Mahesh Acharya also lost the elections. Republican leader Narahari Acharya won the election but at the cost of Nepali Congress which was virtually uprooted in many places.
The Pandora's Box of Constituent Assembly is now reality for Nepal and the country needs a sobriety in the decision making process on the part of the legislators as well as the political parties.
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