QUO VADIS NEPALI CONGRESS? - Dr Khagendra N Sharma

September 4, 2008 (Courtesy - The Kathmandu Post)

Quo Vadis- which way- is the Nepali Congress moving? It looks odd that it has chosen to remain outside the government.

Girija Koirala is known to be a master in breaking a government- any government including his own- to perpetuate his rule- his dynastic rule- no matter what happens to the nation, to the party, to the ideology of his party, to the devoted cadres of his party and to the people at large.
Ever since the CPN-Maoist were returned as the largest party in the constituent assembly election, the NC has found it extremely difficult to adjust. Prime Minister Girija stuck to his seat until all alibis were exhausted to prevent the Maoists from leading the government. He insisted until the last moment that the only desired course was the course of consensus. But at the final stroke, he led his party in the opposition bench. With what intent?

It is obvious that the NC failed to accept that they were rejected by the people as the leading party at the present juncture. History will acknowledge that the NC led the movement for democracy ever since they fought against the formidable rule of the Ranas before their removal in 1950. The removal of the Ranas and the restoration of the full power of the monarch, particularly under king Mahendra, gave the NC no less trouble. After a brief spell of democratic governance, the NC was thrown out of power by king Mahendra and most of the NC leaders were either jailed or exiled for decades. The NC kept the burner of the democratic movement alight and led the movement or the restoration of democracy in 1990. Until that juncture, the NC had nurtured an image of the champion of the people.

However, the NC became power hungry after that watershed. The people voted the NC into power, but the party did not remain the champion of the people any longer. The central leadership of the NC wove a cobweb of power, pampering a few dishonest characters with constant pouring of ministerial berths irrespective of their corrupt image in the public. The first act of dissolution of the parliament by Girija turned out to be disastrous, resulting in a hung parliament. In stead of learning from the disaster and rebuilding its image, he started breaking the government one after another. The series resulted in the weakening of the democratic set-up and the king played his autocratic card. King Gyanendra not only disregarded the constitution, but also swallowed the constitutional parties in one morsel.

Restraining the autocratic monarch was so mountainous that the parliamentary parties had to take out the rally of the Maoists from the jungle. Disarming the Maoists and bringing them into the mainstream politics was initiated by the UML but it was joined by the NC in the final act of signing the 12 point agreement which became the successful plank to push the king out. The interim period under the leadership of Girija as the PM has had its successes, culminating in the election for the CA. But the result did not go as the NC and their leader Girija wanted. It proved to be a bone in the throat of the NC. The positions of the President and a VP were created in the Interim Constitution and a role for the opposition was created to assuage the NC. The interim period was successful on account of the consensus approach in the national politics. But the NC chose to break the successful tradition of consensus and went to the opposition bench.

The role of an opposition would be a healthy development during the normal course of a nation's democratic governance. But this is not yet a normal course of federal, democratic republic of Nepal. The IC has talked of restructuring of the state, but nothing has changed except the nomenclature of the head of the state. The federal components have not even been identified. There are several other aspects of state restructuring which cannot be successfully accomplished by the government alone unless it is a consensus government. Every bit of the restructuring will require the consensus of the people because the people have wanted the changes. This needs deep probing into, and strong articulation of, the nation's best interest by each stake holder. And there is no doubt that the NC is a strong stake holder.

The CA has two facets: the constitution maker and the nation's interim legislature. Constitution making is the main function of the CA: nay, it is the main function of the state. The CA has a short tenure of two years out of which almost half a year has already been wasted. The legislative function will have to be kept only within the indispensable minimum of day to day governance. By all reasoning, there can be no room for opposition in the constitution making part of the CA. So, the utmost role that an opposition can play is in the small hours of the legislative functioning of the CA. The NC in opposition can try to restrain the government in the day to day function. But its impact will be limited because the NC will be crushed by the sheer numbers. Because the NC did not take any comrades-in-arm in choosing to be in the opposition, they are going to remain in an absolute minority.

As there will be not much to do in the opposition, the fertile brain of Girija may contrive innovative ways of destabilizing the government. It was imminent from the last hour consultation Girija did before finally surrendering power to the Maoists that he was not happy to see the Maoists in the saddle of the government. He and his pampered ex-ministers will have ample time to flirt with the parties and CA members who are not happy at the composition of the cabinet and the selection of the present ministers, and try to win them over in bringing down the government. But it is unlikely that it will be successful this time. No government can work with the Maoists outside it. And, with the UML out, it cannot work out even a simple majority.

The role in the constitution making part of the CA will also not be easy for the NC. Their decision to remain in the opposition will create a conceptual rift with the government and it will deter the process of consensus in serious issues. The provision of the two/thirds majority to legitimize the constitution will keep the NC in a weak position in bargaining and they cannot check the unwanted parts of the new constitution from being carried out in the CA. Thus, they will be ineffective both in the legislative part and the constitution making part of the CA functions.

The NC can use this new-found role of not being responsible for running the country in a number of areas. First they can leisurely evaluate the various reasons why the CA election did not go in their favor. They have been blaming the intimidating tactics of the Maoists as the main reason of their defeat. But they have fared the same fate where the Maoists have the least influence. Secondly, they can evaluate the role of the leadership. Much has been said in this respect in the political market. They can do some introspection. Third, they can discuss internal democracy inside the party itself. Probably they can find a lot of home work in here.

Finally, they can re-establish public contact, particularly in areas where the NC base has been broken during the last election. If these things are seriously done, they may regain some of the lost ground in the next election. That may turn out to be the boon in disguise for remaining in the opposition.