September 4, 2008 (Courtesy - The Kathmandu Post)
Quo Vadis- which way- is the Nepali Congress moving? It looks odd that it has chosen to remain outside the government.
Girija Koirala is known to be a master in breaking a government- any government including his own- to perpetuate his rule- his dynastic rule- no matter what happens to the nation, to the party, to the ideology of his party, to the devoted cadres of his party and to the people at large.
Ever since the CPN-Maoist were returned as the largest party in the constituent assembly election, the NC has found it extremely difficult to adjust. Prime Minister Girija stuck to his seat until all alibis were exhausted to prevent the Maoists from leading the government. He insisted until the last moment that the only desired course was the course of consensus. But at the final stroke, he led his party in the opposition bench. With what intent?
It is obvious that the NC failed to accept that they were rejected by the people as the leading party at the present juncture. History will acknowledge that the NC led the movement for democracy ever since they fought against the formidable rule of the Ranas before their removal in 1950. The removal of the Ranas and the restoration of the full power of the monarch, particularly under king Mahendra, gave the NC no less trouble. After a brief spell of democratic governance, the NC was thrown out of power by king Mahendra and most of the NC leaders were either jailed or exiled for decades. The NC kept the burner of the democratic movement alight and led the movement or the restoration of democracy in 1990. Until that juncture, the NC had nurtured an image of the champion of the people.
However, the NC became power hungry after that watershed. The people voted the NC into power, but the party did not remain the champion of the people any longer. The central leadership of the NC wove a cobweb of power, pampering a few dishonest characters with constant pouring of ministerial berths irrespective of their corrupt image in the public. The first act of dissolution of the parliament by Girija turned out to be disastrous, resulting in a hung parliament. In stead of learning from the disaster and rebuilding its image, he started breaking the government one after another. The series resulted in the weakening of the democratic set-up and the king played his autocratic card. King Gyanendra not only disregarded the constitution, but also swallowed the constitutional parties in one morsel.
Restraining the autocratic monarch was so mountainous that the parliamentary parties had to take out the rally of the Maoists from the jungle. Disarming the Maoists and bringing them into the mainstream politics was initiated by the UML but it was joined by the NC in the final act of signing the 12 point agreement which became the successful plank to push the king out. The interim period under the leadership of Girija as the PM has had its successes, culminating in the election for the CA. But the result did not go as the NC and their leader Girija wanted. It proved to be a bone in the throat of the NC. The positions of the President and a VP were created in the Interim Constitution and a role for the opposition was created to assuage the NC. The interim period was successful on account of the consensus approach in the national politics. But the NC chose to break the successful tradition of consensus and went to the opposition bench.
The role of an opposition would be a healthy development during the normal course of a nation's democratic governance. But this is not yet a normal course of federal, democratic republic of Nepal. The IC has talked of restructuring of the state, but nothing has changed except the nomenclature of the head of the state. The federal components have not even been identified. There are several other aspects of state restructuring which cannot be successfully accomplished by the government alone unless it is a consensus government. Every bit of the restructuring will require the consensus of the people because the people have wanted the changes. This needs deep probing into, and strong articulation of, the nation's best interest by each stake holder. And there is no doubt that the NC is a strong stake holder.
The CA has two facets: the constitution maker and the nation's interim legislature. Constitution making is the main function of the CA: nay, it is the main function of the state. The CA has a short tenure of two years out of which almost half a year has already been wasted. The legislative function will have to be kept only within the indispensable minimum of day to day governance. By all reasoning, there can be no room for opposition in the constitution making part of the CA. So, the utmost role that an opposition can play is in the small hours of the legislative functioning of the CA. The NC in opposition can try to restrain the government in the day to day function. But its impact will be limited because the NC will be crushed by the sheer numbers. Because the NC did not take any comrades-in-arm in choosing to be in the opposition, they are going to remain in an absolute minority.
As there will be not much to do in the opposition, the fertile brain of Girija may contrive innovative ways of destabilizing the government. It was imminent from the last hour consultation Girija did before finally surrendering power to the Maoists that he was not happy to see the Maoists in the saddle of the government. He and his pampered ex-ministers will have ample time to flirt with the parties and CA members who are not happy at the composition of the cabinet and the selection of the present ministers, and try to win them over in bringing down the government. But it is unlikely that it will be successful this time. No government can work with the Maoists outside it. And, with the UML out, it cannot work out even a simple majority.
The role in the constitution making part of the CA will also not be easy for the NC. Their decision to remain in the opposition will create a conceptual rift with the government and it will deter the process of consensus in serious issues. The provision of the two/thirds majority to legitimize the constitution will keep the NC in a weak position in bargaining and they cannot check the unwanted parts of the new constitution from being carried out in the CA. Thus, they will be ineffective both in the legislative part and the constitution making part of the CA functions.
The NC can use this new-found role of not being responsible for running the country in a number of areas. First they can leisurely evaluate the various reasons why the CA election did not go in their favor. They have been blaming the intimidating tactics of the Maoists as the main reason of their defeat. But they have fared the same fate where the Maoists have the least influence. Secondly, they can evaluate the role of the leadership. Much has been said in this respect in the political market. They can do some introspection. Third, they can discuss internal democracy inside the party itself. Probably they can find a lot of home work in here.
Finally, they can re-establish public contact, particularly in areas where the NC base has been broken during the last election. If these things are seriously done, they may regain some of the lost ground in the next election. That may turn out to be the boon in disguise for remaining in the opposition.
Wednesday, September 17, 2008
Friday, September 12, 2008
Koiralas gone with the wind!
TGW - Not for nothing late Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala - a legendary Nepali Congress leader is remembered by the Nepali Congress cadres at this point of time.
Merely have two months and three days passed after Nepal was declared a Democratic Republic but more importantly the winds of change have also swayed away the Nepali Congress more so the Koirala legacy in Nepali politics along with the 240 years old institution of monarchy.
Late B.P. Koirala is remembered more at this point of time for his remarks wherein he had said that the existence of Nepali Congress in Nepali politics is linked to the existence of the Institution of Monarchy. “Our necks [Monarchy and Nepali Congress] are tied with each other”, B.P is quoted as saying by his followers even to date.
After 26 years of the death of late BP, his disliked brother and the incumbent Prime Minister G.P Koirala remained instrumental in dethroning the monarchy, and in reducing the glorious Nepali Congress into a meagre force.
Be that as it may, today, Friday August 15, 2008, Nepal’s octogenarian Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is quitting Nepal’s Prime Minister’s official residence who, if every thing goes as per the general expectations, will be replaced by none other than the man who through a bloody communist revolt not only uprooted the institution of monarchy but also ensured that the marginalized sections of Nepali society are guaranteed their inherent rights, in the process sacrificing more than thirteen thousand precious lives.
G.P Koirala will be staying at the personal house of Dr. Sashank Koirala some where in Kathmandu. Dr. Koirala is the son of late B.P.
As per some media reports, at a family gathering recently held at the PM’s official residence, Nepal’s care-taker prime minister Koirala accepted that the Koirala legacy in Nepali Politics has thus ended in a disastrous manner. In saying so, Koirala who will always be remembered for his love for power and power alone blamed some NC party leaders for the shameful ouster of “Koiralas” from Nepali politics.
Nevertheless, Sujata Koirala-the illustrious daughter of G.P was quick to comment on her father’s remarks. “You have always supported worthless men in Nepali politics”, told Sujata to her elderly father.
“I will stay at Sashank’s house…I have lived there before…I will feel more comfortable there”, Koirala said.
“You have never listened to me”, Sujata lamented.
Is this the end of Koiralas from Nepali politics? Yes perhaps!
With Sher Bahadur Deuba and Ram Chandra Poudel and many more opportunist leaders in the Nepali Congress camp competing for the party top position, the party will also face possibly several splits if something unusual happens, conclude analysts.
Merely have two months and three days passed after Nepal was declared a Democratic Republic but more importantly the winds of change have also swayed away the Nepali Congress more so the Koirala legacy in Nepali politics along with the 240 years old institution of monarchy.
Late B.P. Koirala is remembered more at this point of time for his remarks wherein he had said that the existence of Nepali Congress in Nepali politics is linked to the existence of the Institution of Monarchy. “Our necks [Monarchy and Nepali Congress] are tied with each other”, B.P is quoted as saying by his followers even to date.
After 26 years of the death of late BP, his disliked brother and the incumbent Prime Minister G.P Koirala remained instrumental in dethroning the monarchy, and in reducing the glorious Nepali Congress into a meagre force.
Be that as it may, today, Friday August 15, 2008, Nepal’s octogenarian Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is quitting Nepal’s Prime Minister’s official residence who, if every thing goes as per the general expectations, will be replaced by none other than the man who through a bloody communist revolt not only uprooted the institution of monarchy but also ensured that the marginalized sections of Nepali society are guaranteed their inherent rights, in the process sacrificing more than thirteen thousand precious lives.
G.P Koirala will be staying at the personal house of Dr. Sashank Koirala some where in Kathmandu. Dr. Koirala is the son of late B.P.
As per some media reports, at a family gathering recently held at the PM’s official residence, Nepal’s care-taker prime minister Koirala accepted that the Koirala legacy in Nepali Politics has thus ended in a disastrous manner. In saying so, Koirala who will always be remembered for his love for power and power alone blamed some NC party leaders for the shameful ouster of “Koiralas” from Nepali politics.
Nevertheless, Sujata Koirala-the illustrious daughter of G.P was quick to comment on her father’s remarks. “You have always supported worthless men in Nepali politics”, told Sujata to her elderly father.
“I will stay at Sashank’s house…I have lived there before…I will feel more comfortable there”, Koirala said.
“You have never listened to me”, Sujata lamented.
Is this the end of Koiralas from Nepali politics? Yes perhaps!
With Sher Bahadur Deuba and Ram Chandra Poudel and many more opportunist leaders in the Nepali Congress camp competing for the party top position, the party will also face possibly several splits if something unusual happens, conclude analysts.
Interview: Girija Prasad Koirala, Ex-Prime Minister
http://telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4048
Tell our readers Mr. Koirala how you are passing your days?
GPK: From the early morning, I am totally engaged in holding political meetings and discussions. Friends from various political parties, heads of various diplomatic missions and people from various walks of life visit me. Even friends from within the Nepali Congress party come to see me and we talk on general politics and the role NC should play in the days ahead.
What are the general views of the visitors who come to see you?
GPK: Generally they have lot of criticisms and also some logical suggestions. After the Maoists leading the government, they complain that the nation has lost its way and they look more concerned on the future of democracy in Nepal. Generally, they all suspect that whether the Federal Democratic setup will be weakened in the days ahead? If the Maoists will take the country to the one party totalitarian regime, this is the general belief, I have encountered so far. Some even say that now it is the responsibility of the Nepali Congress to come strongly forward in preserving the democratic setup.
What say you Mr. Koirala regarding the functioning of the incumbent government?
GPK: I believe that it is not the right time to make any comments be it positive or negative on the issue of the functioning of this government.
We are in fact in a mood to wait and see.
It is too early to comment on this issue, less than a month has passed after the formation of this government.
We will nevertheless at an opportune moment comment on this topic.
Prime Minister Dahal has alleged that you have already made up your mind to take steps towards breaking this government. Is that true Mr. Koirala?
GPK: What Prachanda ji says, he knows it better…as far as I am concerned, I am against breaking this government now. If the government continues preserving the foundations of a democratic setup we will have nothing say. However any attack on the foundation of democracy, peoples’ inherent rights and the rule of law…I will not remain quiet.
I had told Prachanda ji to provide continuity to the politics of consensus however, he is the one who ignored it blatantly.
I am more concerned now a days on rebuilding foundation of our party, make some internal reforms in the Nepali Congress and also about unity among the political parties, peace process and drafting of the new constitution.
I am not thinking to break the government led by Prachanda ji.
Who ignored the politics of consensus?
GPK: I have been saying uninterruptedly that the politics of consensus should be accorded top priority. After the restoration of democracy and even after the election to the CA, I spoke in favor of consensus politics.
I still believe that it should have been given priority for at least ten more years to come. However the Maoists ignored it after the election to the CA. To lead the government and more importantly to alienate the Nepali Congress, they rejected the idea of consensus.
I still tell Prachanda ji that there is no alternative to consensus. To bring the peace process to a logical end and to draft the new constitution, it is compulsory.
Inner strife in the Nepali Congress, what say you Mr. Koirala?
GPK: It is totally wrong that we have differences over major issues in our party. The NC is united and will always remain one.
What about the differences regarding electing the leader of the parliamentary party delegation?
GPK: These are just half truths propagated by the Nepali media. We are a democratic party and we will elect our leader democratically. Our mentors are B.P. Koirala, Subarna Sumsher Rana and Ganesh Man who have taught us democratic norms and values. There is no difference in our party and I have told my friends that I do not want to listen to any dissenting voices.
What role will NC play in opposition?
GPK: We will play constructive role in the opposition. We will not burn tiers and halt traffic. We will set an example as the main opposition party.
(Courtesy: Ghatna Ra Bichar Weekly, Dated: Sepetmber 10, 2008)2008-09-10 20:59:26
Tell our readers Mr. Koirala how you are passing your days?
GPK: From the early morning, I am totally engaged in holding political meetings and discussions. Friends from various political parties, heads of various diplomatic missions and people from various walks of life visit me. Even friends from within the Nepali Congress party come to see me and we talk on general politics and the role NC should play in the days ahead.
What are the general views of the visitors who come to see you?
GPK: Generally they have lot of criticisms and also some logical suggestions. After the Maoists leading the government, they complain that the nation has lost its way and they look more concerned on the future of democracy in Nepal. Generally, they all suspect that whether the Federal Democratic setup will be weakened in the days ahead? If the Maoists will take the country to the one party totalitarian regime, this is the general belief, I have encountered so far. Some even say that now it is the responsibility of the Nepali Congress to come strongly forward in preserving the democratic setup.
What say you Mr. Koirala regarding the functioning of the incumbent government?
GPK: I believe that it is not the right time to make any comments be it positive or negative on the issue of the functioning of this government.
We are in fact in a mood to wait and see.
It is too early to comment on this issue, less than a month has passed after the formation of this government.
We will nevertheless at an opportune moment comment on this topic.
Prime Minister Dahal has alleged that you have already made up your mind to take steps towards breaking this government. Is that true Mr. Koirala?
GPK: What Prachanda ji says, he knows it better…as far as I am concerned, I am against breaking this government now. If the government continues preserving the foundations of a democratic setup we will have nothing say. However any attack on the foundation of democracy, peoples’ inherent rights and the rule of law…I will not remain quiet.
I had told Prachanda ji to provide continuity to the politics of consensus however, he is the one who ignored it blatantly.
I am more concerned now a days on rebuilding foundation of our party, make some internal reforms in the Nepali Congress and also about unity among the political parties, peace process and drafting of the new constitution.
I am not thinking to break the government led by Prachanda ji.
Who ignored the politics of consensus?
GPK: I have been saying uninterruptedly that the politics of consensus should be accorded top priority. After the restoration of democracy and even after the election to the CA, I spoke in favor of consensus politics.
I still believe that it should have been given priority for at least ten more years to come. However the Maoists ignored it after the election to the CA. To lead the government and more importantly to alienate the Nepali Congress, they rejected the idea of consensus.
I still tell Prachanda ji that there is no alternative to consensus. To bring the peace process to a logical end and to draft the new constitution, it is compulsory.
Inner strife in the Nepali Congress, what say you Mr. Koirala?
GPK: It is totally wrong that we have differences over major issues in our party. The NC is united and will always remain one.
What about the differences regarding electing the leader of the parliamentary party delegation?
GPK: These are just half truths propagated by the Nepali media. We are a democratic party and we will elect our leader democratically. Our mentors are B.P. Koirala, Subarna Sumsher Rana and Ganesh Man who have taught us democratic norms and values. There is no difference in our party and I have told my friends that I do not want to listen to any dissenting voices.
What role will NC play in opposition?
GPK: We will play constructive role in the opposition. We will not burn tiers and halt traffic. We will set an example as the main opposition party.
(Courtesy: Ghatna Ra Bichar Weekly, Dated: Sepetmber 10, 2008)2008-09-10 20:59:26
Inherit thoughts of BP, NC Cadres told
DAMAULI, Sept. 9: Acting President of Nepali Congress (NC) Sushil Koirala has said the existence of NC would be no more in the day when BP’s thoughts and socialism were ignored.
At a party members meet organized here today by NC, Tanahun on the occasion of 95the birth anniversary of people’s leader BP Koirala, he highlighted BP’s ideals and principles in the current context.
The Nepali politics has not yet been stable due to frequent attacks on democracy in one way or another, he added.
Acting President Koirala also urged party cadres to work together for the protection of peace and democracy.
Similarly in Lalitpur, Vice-president of Nepali Congress (NC) Ram Chandra Poudel said the army of a particular party could not protect the country and country people so that Maoist army should not be integrated into Nepal Army (NA).
At a garland-offering function organized by the NC on the occasion of 95th birth anniversary of people’s leader BP Koirala at party central office at Sanepa, he claimed the nation would go towards civil war if Maoist army was integrated into NA.
Stating that neither of any agreements from 12-point understanding so far hs not stated about the integration of Maoist combatants into NA, former Minister Poudel accused Maoist of breaching consensus-based politics and showing their authoritarian tendency.
He said they are not in favour of bringing down the Maoist-led government and made it clear that they would play the role of strong opposition.
We would show the role model of opposition in democracy, he added.
NC founder people’s leader BP Koirala was the great leader endowed with genius to bring about epoch-making political changes in the country, Poudel said, adding, he would never forget BP’s substantial role in socialism movement.
Poudel officially opened the campaign of distributing general membership of the party kicked off from today.
At the programme, Vice-president Poudel including other leaders and cadres offered garland to the portrait of BP Koirala.
Meanwhile the US government has been awaiting the to-be-publicised programme and policies on personal freedom, democratic norms and values and human rights by the Government of Nepal, said Nepal Congress leader Dr Prakash Sharan Mahat.
Dr Mahat, who returned home leading a team of Nepali delegation after a week-long America visit, said the US has been eagerly watching the ongoing peace process and activities of the government in Nepal.
During the visit, the Nepali delegation met US Foreign Ministry officials, former US ambassadors and diplomats to Nepal, intellectual and civil society leaders and donor agencies and dwelt on the latest political developments in Nepal. The team had been to the country on the invitation of US University of Center for Peace.
He said a separate discussion was held with the USAID officials and ways to extend possible support to Nepal in the coming days dominated the talks. Nepal’s donor agencies were curious to know what was going on in Nepal, he added.
Constituent Assembly members Kiran Gautam and Mohammad Siddhiqui and some civil society representatives were in the delegation.
At a party members meet organized here today by NC, Tanahun on the occasion of 95the birth anniversary of people’s leader BP Koirala, he highlighted BP’s ideals and principles in the current context.
The Nepali politics has not yet been stable due to frequent attacks on democracy in one way or another, he added.
Acting President Koirala also urged party cadres to work together for the protection of peace and democracy.
Similarly in Lalitpur, Vice-president of Nepali Congress (NC) Ram Chandra Poudel said the army of a particular party could not protect the country and country people so that Maoist army should not be integrated into Nepal Army (NA).
At a garland-offering function organized by the NC on the occasion of 95th birth anniversary of people’s leader BP Koirala at party central office at Sanepa, he claimed the nation would go towards civil war if Maoist army was integrated into NA.
Stating that neither of any agreements from 12-point understanding so far hs not stated about the integration of Maoist combatants into NA, former Minister Poudel accused Maoist of breaching consensus-based politics and showing their authoritarian tendency.
He said they are not in favour of bringing down the Maoist-led government and made it clear that they would play the role of strong opposition.
We would show the role model of opposition in democracy, he added.
NC founder people’s leader BP Koirala was the great leader endowed with genius to bring about epoch-making political changes in the country, Poudel said, adding, he would never forget BP’s substantial role in socialism movement.
Poudel officially opened the campaign of distributing general membership of the party kicked off from today.
At the programme, Vice-president Poudel including other leaders and cadres offered garland to the portrait of BP Koirala.
Meanwhile the US government has been awaiting the to-be-publicised programme and policies on personal freedom, democratic norms and values and human rights by the Government of Nepal, said Nepal Congress leader Dr Prakash Sharan Mahat.
Dr Mahat, who returned home leading a team of Nepali delegation after a week-long America visit, said the US has been eagerly watching the ongoing peace process and activities of the government in Nepal.
During the visit, the Nepali delegation met US Foreign Ministry officials, former US ambassadors and diplomats to Nepal, intellectual and civil society leaders and donor agencies and dwelt on the latest political developments in Nepal. The team had been to the country on the invitation of US University of Center for Peace.
He said a separate discussion was held with the USAID officials and ways to extend possible support to Nepal in the coming days dominated the talks. Nepal’s donor agencies were curious to know what was going on in Nepal, he added.
Constituent Assembly members Kiran Gautam and Mohammad Siddhiqui and some civil society representatives were in the delegation.
Gyanendra discusses political situation with loyalists
Kathmandu, Aug 21: Deposed King Gyanendra held "political consultations" with his loyalists to discuss current political developments in Nepal at his residence here.
The ex-King had arranged a separate place at Nirmal Niwas to facilitate consultations about present political situation in the country with his loyalists, came to attend 81st birth day party of ex-Queen mother Ratna Shah yesterday, a national daily reported.
Gyanendra had serious talks with members of the erstwhile royal cabinet, his loyalists and former security chiefs, including former Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa and former army chief Pyarjung Thapa.
The former King, who is currently staying at government-owned Nagarjuna holiday home, also expressed concern about their residence and facilities after the Maoists government was formed, the daily stated.
When contacted a staff of the former King confirmed about the birth day party but did not reveal the guest list. Ex-Queen Komal, her daughter-in-law Himani and other family members had also attended the party hosted by Rajiv Shahi, the son-in law of Gyanendra's younger brother and one of the survivors of June 2001 Royal Palace massacre, the daily said.
The former king had been living a quiet life after the abolition of monarchy in Nepal on May 28. Bureau Report http://www.zeenews.com/articles.asp?aid=463579&sid=SAS
The ex-King had arranged a separate place at Nirmal Niwas to facilitate consultations about present political situation in the country with his loyalists, came to attend 81st birth day party of ex-Queen mother Ratna Shah yesterday, a national daily reported.
Gyanendra had serious talks with members of the erstwhile royal cabinet, his loyalists and former security chiefs, including former Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa and former army chief Pyarjung Thapa.
The former King, who is currently staying at government-owned Nagarjuna holiday home, also expressed concern about their residence and facilities after the Maoists government was formed, the daily stated.
When contacted a staff of the former King confirmed about the birth day party but did not reveal the guest list. Ex-Queen Komal, her daughter-in-law Himani and other family members had also attended the party hosted by Rajiv Shahi, the son-in law of Gyanendra's younger brother and one of the survivors of June 2001 Royal Palace massacre, the daily said.
The former king had been living a quiet life after the abolition of monarchy in Nepal on May 28. Bureau Report http://www.zeenews.com/articles.asp?aid=463579&sid=SAS
Why Indian Ambassador met Nepal's ex-monarch
TGW - A belated news report published in a weekly newspaper quoting sources at the Soaltee Crown Plaza Hotel in Kathmandu has it that Nepal’s ex-King Gyanendra and Indian Ambassador to Nepal Mr. Rakesh Sood had met some three weeks back.
The meetings in series took place at the most expensive suite of the Five Star Hotel in Kathmandu.
“Both the meetings took place in the evening”, writes Sanghu Vernacular Weekly dated September 8, 2008 quoting Hotel Staffers as saying.
“The first day of the meeting lasted merely fifteen minutes nevertheless the second day meeting lasted for well over two hours”.
What transpired between the two is yet a mystery? And why they met twice is also not less intriguing?
As per the report, the meeting between Ex-King Gyanendra and Ambassador Sood was arranged by none other that the director of Soaltee Hotel and a close friend of the ex-King himself, Mr. Prabhakar Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana. Mr. Rana is a business partner of the ex-King as well.
"The first meeting ended over a cup of tea, however, the second meeting continued for well over two hours with Whiskey and a lavish dinner served", writes Sanghu further.
Interestingly, Ambassador Sood who is constantly being snubbed by South-Block establishment in New Delhi for his erratic activities in Nepal has out of sheer frustration increased cigarette smoking, and ex-King Gyanendra too has reasons a plenty to get frustrated and thus smokes more than usual…both within the span of fifteen minutes smoked not less than ten cigarettes from the Pack of Surya Gold, writes the paper referring to the first meeting.
“Some carefully chosen Hotel staffers had served the two maverick politicians”.
Report adds Prabhakar Shumsher Rana was not present in the exclusive tête-à-tête between Nepal’s ex-ruler and the powerful Indian diplomat.
However, Mr. Rana, reports add, had met Rakesh Sood over a dinner few days earlier in order to arrange this exclusive meet between the two. 2008-09-08 07:30:21
The meetings in series took place at the most expensive suite of the Five Star Hotel in Kathmandu.
“Both the meetings took place in the evening”, writes Sanghu Vernacular Weekly dated September 8, 2008 quoting Hotel Staffers as saying.
“The first day of the meeting lasted merely fifteen minutes nevertheless the second day meeting lasted for well over two hours”.
What transpired between the two is yet a mystery? And why they met twice is also not less intriguing?
As per the report, the meeting between Ex-King Gyanendra and Ambassador Sood was arranged by none other that the director of Soaltee Hotel and a close friend of the ex-King himself, Mr. Prabhakar Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana. Mr. Rana is a business partner of the ex-King as well.
"The first meeting ended over a cup of tea, however, the second meeting continued for well over two hours with Whiskey and a lavish dinner served", writes Sanghu further.
Interestingly, Ambassador Sood who is constantly being snubbed by South-Block establishment in New Delhi for his erratic activities in Nepal has out of sheer frustration increased cigarette smoking, and ex-King Gyanendra too has reasons a plenty to get frustrated and thus smokes more than usual…both within the span of fifteen minutes smoked not less than ten cigarettes from the Pack of Surya Gold, writes the paper referring to the first meeting.
“Some carefully chosen Hotel staffers had served the two maverick politicians”.
Report adds Prabhakar Shumsher Rana was not present in the exclusive tête-à-tête between Nepal’s ex-ruler and the powerful Indian diplomat.
However, Mr. Rana, reports add, had met Rakesh Sood over a dinner few days earlier in order to arrange this exclusive meet between the two. 2008-09-08 07:30:21
Nepal’s ex-King between the liberals and radicals
TGW - Nepal’s Ex-Monarch Gyanendra Shah who all of a sudden has been hitting the media headlines in Nepal has decided finally to move out of the Nagarjun Palace.
The Nagarjun Palace is situated some eight kilometers North-West of Kathmandu.
The Janaastha Weekly dated September 10, 2008 reports that ex-King will move to his original residence Nirmal Niwas, which he decided to do so after the formation of the Maoists’ led government.
The newly formed Maoists’ led government had recently said that the Nagarjun Palace was given to the ex-monarch on a temporary basis.
“Currently the Nirmal Nivas is undergoing renovations” adds Janaaastha.
The ex-King who almost three weeks back met with the Indian ambassador to Nepal Rakesh Sood and later reportedly met with the Prime Minister of Nepal Pushpa Kamal Dahal is on high demand from the Nepali Congress quarters as well.
A frustrated ex-Prime Minister Koirala who has concluded that he was cheated by the Maoists leadership time and again and that is why he has been, say sources, is in close contact with the former King.
Koirala concludes that the ex-king was still a force and could be counted to challenge the Maoists totalitarian attitude.
Interestingly, only a week back say media reports PM Dahal had a secret meeting with the ex-Monarch, where in the two decided to work in tandem to form a patriotic front.
PM Dahal perhaps also needs the ex-king’s substantial support to face the Koirala challenge.
Analysts remain puzzled as to how come so soon a defunct monarch would be a chum of both the liberals and the radicals?
The side King Gyanendra prefers to take will definitely be weightier than the other, if he really is a formidable force to reckon with?
However, staunch royalist suggest the King not to get carried away by the two opposing ideologies because it were the adherents of these two philosophies which dismantled the two hundred forty yeas long history of Nepali monarchy.
2008-09-10 10:23:45
The Nagarjun Palace is situated some eight kilometers North-West of Kathmandu.
The Janaastha Weekly dated September 10, 2008 reports that ex-King will move to his original residence Nirmal Niwas, which he decided to do so after the formation of the Maoists’ led government.
The newly formed Maoists’ led government had recently said that the Nagarjun Palace was given to the ex-monarch on a temporary basis.
“Currently the Nirmal Nivas is undergoing renovations” adds Janaaastha.
The ex-King who almost three weeks back met with the Indian ambassador to Nepal Rakesh Sood and later reportedly met with the Prime Minister of Nepal Pushpa Kamal Dahal is on high demand from the Nepali Congress quarters as well.
A frustrated ex-Prime Minister Koirala who has concluded that he was cheated by the Maoists leadership time and again and that is why he has been, say sources, is in close contact with the former King.
Koirala concludes that the ex-king was still a force and could be counted to challenge the Maoists totalitarian attitude.
Interestingly, only a week back say media reports PM Dahal had a secret meeting with the ex-Monarch, where in the two decided to work in tandem to form a patriotic front.
PM Dahal perhaps also needs the ex-king’s substantial support to face the Koirala challenge.
Analysts remain puzzled as to how come so soon a defunct monarch would be a chum of both the liberals and the radicals?
The side King Gyanendra prefers to take will definitely be weightier than the other, if he really is a formidable force to reckon with?
However, staunch royalist suggest the King not to get carried away by the two opposing ideologies because it were the adherents of these two philosophies which dismantled the two hundred forty yeas long history of Nepali monarchy.
2008-09-10 10:23:45
Problems facing Constituent Assembly
By DR KHAGENDRA N SHARMA
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=160296
It has been four months since the Constituent Assembly (CA) was formally announced. But not a single word of the constitution has been written yet. It is true that the country was declared a republic in the first session of the CA, but it was just a formalization of a decision already made by the Interim Legislative-Parliament. So, the CA cannot claim the credit for the termination of the monarchy. The CA has created the posts of president and vice-president of the republic, but it is still an interim arrangement and the powers and functions of these posts will have to be redefined in the context of the new constitution. Thus, the whole function of writing a new constitution remains unattended.
There are two different types of problems facing the CA and both of them are of a serious nature. The first problem consists of the processual aspects of the constitution making -- the how part of it. It is reported that some rules have been finalized regarding the processual aspects like forming different committees through which the ideas will filter culminating in the provisions of the constitution. Much time will be needed to pass through all the committees. Apart from that, ample field work will have to be done to ascertain and analyze the views of the people at the grassroots. These ideas will have to be articulated thoroughly in the CA and placed in the hands of skilful constitutional experts to convert into appropriate provisions of the constitution.
The CA has been too large and unwieldy a body to articulate issues effectively and make decisions collectively. This aside, the CA has also to function as the Legislative-Parliament. It is a pity that the legislative part will consume a significant portion of the two years time in which the constitution has to be completed. So, the CA will have only a small part of the allotted time.
Given the fractured coalition, there will be numerous differences of thoughts among the parties, both within and without the coalition partners. The incongruous make-up of the fractured coalition will be naturally reflected in the CA. The decisions are expected to be unanimous in an ideal situation, but it is very unlikely in the present situation, given the protracted bargaining in the whole political process. So, decisions are expected to be made, if at all, simply by the required two-thirds majority.
The second problem is substantive, subject-matter questions pertaining to the various aspects of the body of the proposed constitution. These problems are so serious that it is inconceivable that the constitution can be made in the limited given time. The most problematic and difficult issues are those regarding the restructuring of the state. It has been promised that Nepal will be a federal state. Sentimentally, it is a fine promise, but there is no uniform concept of the federation. Before and during the CA election, all the parties talked of the federal structure for future Nepal, but no party except the CPN (Maoist) had even a vague concept of the proposed federation. The Maoists had proposed a distinct federal structure, but it has raised more questions than probable answers and it will be difficult to sell the concept to all the parties for the following reasons.
The Maoists had raised a general awakening among the masses for the concept of the federation during the decade-long conflict, but the concept was understood, articulated and popularized by different communities very differently during the interim period leading to the CA election.
In most of the cases, there has been ethnic orientation, but language had also played a big part in sensitizing the people. If these two criteria are accepted as the basis of federalizing the state, then there will be more than a hundred units to be federated. That will be simply unimaginable. Then there is the bigger criterion of space or geographical divisions. But geography does not go by homogenous ethnicity, linguistics or cultural factors.
The tarai movement has strongly voiced the concept of one Madhes. It has raised several potentially dangerous issues. If the topography of the country is to be taken as the criterion of breaking the state, there will be three major types -- the flat plains, the high mountains and the moderate hills in the middle. Taking cue from the Madhes call, the communities in the high mountains have already started to make claims for a mountainous state all along the north. The mid-hills have not yet raised such a demand but given the logic, it is in the pipeline. Thus, physically there will be three units to be federated. But this logic will negate the other more applicable criteria of ethnicity and linguistics.
Ethnically, too, there have been various claims, with the Limbuwan claim being the loudest. It has even started to have a parallel government in the east. In the name of ethnicity, it has overstepped into another ethnic jurisdiction in the south.
Similarly, the call for one Madhes oversteps several ethnic communities with distinctly different cultural, linguistic and other forms of identities inside the flat tarai itself. One basic flaw of the ethnic or linguistic logic is that several communities have no specific territorial base and are spread throughout the country. The basic flaw of the geographic logic is that it ignores the other vital social criteria of ethnicity, linguistics and cultural identity.
If the issue of an acceptable federal structure is arrived at, there will be several issues of distribution of power and resources. Too much of power in the centre will be resented by the units and too much of power in the units will result either in a weak nation state or it may lead to tendencies in the units to secede from the nation state. Making adequate safeguards will require great national perseverance before the constitution is finalized.
Another major issue to be resolved in the new constitution is the question of fair representation. There are over a hundred different communities -- large or small in size -- but with distinct identity all the same. All will have to be satisfactorily accommodated. This issue is different from the ethnic or geographic issue: it refers to issues of gender, minority, marginalized groups, under-representation and so on. These issues have been voiced very vociferously, without arriving at a suitable solution during the interim period.
Apart from the division between the units and the central state, there are serious issues regarding the form of government: whether Nepal should adopt a parliamentary or presidential form of government both at the central and at the unit levels. If it prefers to have the parliamentary form, should the parliament retain control over the executive or should the PM have the power to dissolve the parliament and hold fresh election as in the past? If Nepal should have a presidential form of government, how will the president remain accountable to the parliament?
The above is not an exhaustive list of serious issues, but the purpose of this writer is to indicate how serious is the work ahead. From the way the CA has been moving, one can suspect that a wholesome product of a constitution can be accomplished in the given timeframe of two years out of which more than four months have already elapsed without framing a single article of the constitution.
Time is an important factor, but even more important factor is the seriousness in the leadership of the big parties which are still struggling to establish supremacy over each other. If this wrangling is not stopped, the sovereign people may again give a clarion call for another political uprising.
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=160296
It has been four months since the Constituent Assembly (CA) was formally announced. But not a single word of the constitution has been written yet. It is true that the country was declared a republic in the first session of the CA, but it was just a formalization of a decision already made by the Interim Legislative-Parliament. So, the CA cannot claim the credit for the termination of the monarchy. The CA has created the posts of president and vice-president of the republic, but it is still an interim arrangement and the powers and functions of these posts will have to be redefined in the context of the new constitution. Thus, the whole function of writing a new constitution remains unattended.
There are two different types of problems facing the CA and both of them are of a serious nature. The first problem consists of the processual aspects of the constitution making -- the how part of it. It is reported that some rules have been finalized regarding the processual aspects like forming different committees through which the ideas will filter culminating in the provisions of the constitution. Much time will be needed to pass through all the committees. Apart from that, ample field work will have to be done to ascertain and analyze the views of the people at the grassroots. These ideas will have to be articulated thoroughly in the CA and placed in the hands of skilful constitutional experts to convert into appropriate provisions of the constitution.
The CA has been too large and unwieldy a body to articulate issues effectively and make decisions collectively. This aside, the CA has also to function as the Legislative-Parliament. It is a pity that the legislative part will consume a significant portion of the two years time in which the constitution has to be completed. So, the CA will have only a small part of the allotted time.
Given the fractured coalition, there will be numerous differences of thoughts among the parties, both within and without the coalition partners. The incongruous make-up of the fractured coalition will be naturally reflected in the CA. The decisions are expected to be unanimous in an ideal situation, but it is very unlikely in the present situation, given the protracted bargaining in the whole political process. So, decisions are expected to be made, if at all, simply by the required two-thirds majority.
The second problem is substantive, subject-matter questions pertaining to the various aspects of the body of the proposed constitution. These problems are so serious that it is inconceivable that the constitution can be made in the limited given time. The most problematic and difficult issues are those regarding the restructuring of the state. It has been promised that Nepal will be a federal state. Sentimentally, it is a fine promise, but there is no uniform concept of the federation. Before and during the CA election, all the parties talked of the federal structure for future Nepal, but no party except the CPN (Maoist) had even a vague concept of the proposed federation. The Maoists had proposed a distinct federal structure, but it has raised more questions than probable answers and it will be difficult to sell the concept to all the parties for the following reasons.
The Maoists had raised a general awakening among the masses for the concept of the federation during the decade-long conflict, but the concept was understood, articulated and popularized by different communities very differently during the interim period leading to the CA election.
In most of the cases, there has been ethnic orientation, but language had also played a big part in sensitizing the people. If these two criteria are accepted as the basis of federalizing the state, then there will be more than a hundred units to be federated. That will be simply unimaginable. Then there is the bigger criterion of space or geographical divisions. But geography does not go by homogenous ethnicity, linguistics or cultural factors.
The tarai movement has strongly voiced the concept of one Madhes. It has raised several potentially dangerous issues. If the topography of the country is to be taken as the criterion of breaking the state, there will be three major types -- the flat plains, the high mountains and the moderate hills in the middle. Taking cue from the Madhes call, the communities in the high mountains have already started to make claims for a mountainous state all along the north. The mid-hills have not yet raised such a demand but given the logic, it is in the pipeline. Thus, physically there will be three units to be federated. But this logic will negate the other more applicable criteria of ethnicity and linguistics.
Ethnically, too, there have been various claims, with the Limbuwan claim being the loudest. It has even started to have a parallel government in the east. In the name of ethnicity, it has overstepped into another ethnic jurisdiction in the south.
Similarly, the call for one Madhes oversteps several ethnic communities with distinctly different cultural, linguistic and other forms of identities inside the flat tarai itself. One basic flaw of the ethnic or linguistic logic is that several communities have no specific territorial base and are spread throughout the country. The basic flaw of the geographic logic is that it ignores the other vital social criteria of ethnicity, linguistics and cultural identity.
If the issue of an acceptable federal structure is arrived at, there will be several issues of distribution of power and resources. Too much of power in the centre will be resented by the units and too much of power in the units will result either in a weak nation state or it may lead to tendencies in the units to secede from the nation state. Making adequate safeguards will require great national perseverance before the constitution is finalized.
Another major issue to be resolved in the new constitution is the question of fair representation. There are over a hundred different communities -- large or small in size -- but with distinct identity all the same. All will have to be satisfactorily accommodated. This issue is different from the ethnic or geographic issue: it refers to issues of gender, minority, marginalized groups, under-representation and so on. These issues have been voiced very vociferously, without arriving at a suitable solution during the interim period.
Apart from the division between the units and the central state, there are serious issues regarding the form of government: whether Nepal should adopt a parliamentary or presidential form of government both at the central and at the unit levels. If it prefers to have the parliamentary form, should the parliament retain control over the executive or should the PM have the power to dissolve the parliament and hold fresh election as in the past? If Nepal should have a presidential form of government, how will the president remain accountable to the parliament?
The above is not an exhaustive list of serious issues, but the purpose of this writer is to indicate how serious is the work ahead. From the way the CA has been moving, one can suspect that a wholesome product of a constitution can be accomplished in the given timeframe of two years out of which more than four months have already elapsed without framing a single article of the constitution.
Time is an important factor, but even more important factor is the seriousness in the leadership of the big parties which are still struggling to establish supremacy over each other. If this wrangling is not stopped, the sovereign people may again give a clarion call for another political uprising.
RPP-N believes monarchy can be restored in Nepal
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 12 - Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPP-N) that supported former King Gyanendra during the royal takeover, on Friday, said that there is an increased chance that the monarchy would be restored in the country.
Addressing the national conference of the party, leaders said ignorance of former Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and the Maoists’ stupidity were responsible for the end of Monarchy in Nepal.
Party Chairman Kamal Thapa said, “With the dawn of republic and the fall of monarchy, the existence of the country itself is in peril.”
Other leaders stressed on the need of democracy that would involve the former king also despite the republican set up.
Meanwhile, mimicking the Maoists, the CPN-UML and some other parties, the RPP-N said that it would form its youth wing soon.
Posted on: 2008-09-12 08:44:34 (Server Time
KATHMANDU, Sept 12 - Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPP-N) that supported former King Gyanendra during the royal takeover, on Friday, said that there is an increased chance that the monarchy would be restored in the country.
Addressing the national conference of the party, leaders said ignorance of former Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and the Maoists’ stupidity were responsible for the end of Monarchy in Nepal.
Party Chairman Kamal Thapa said, “With the dawn of republic and the fall of monarchy, the existence of the country itself is in peril.”
Other leaders stressed on the need of democracy that would involve the former king also despite the republican set up.
Meanwhile, mimicking the Maoists, the CPN-UML and some other parties, the RPP-N said that it would form its youth wing soon.
Posted on: 2008-09-12 08:44:34 (Server Time
Saturday, September 6, 2008
Nepali Congress witnessing demands for leadership change
http://www.ptinews.com/pti%5Cptisite.nsf/0/232B5A6CB87AB301652574B8004EC41A?OpenDocument
Kathmandu, Sep 2 (PTI) Nepali Congress, once the largest party in the country which lost ground to Maoists in the recent polls, is focussing on an organisational revamp amid calls for a new leadership that could steer it towards a fresh direction in a more competitive political atmosphere.The eight-day long central committee meeting of the NC saw majority of the members voicing demands for a leadership change, party sources said here today.The NC, which was in the forefront of the 2006 popular uprising against now-deposed King Gyanendra, was pushed to the second spot by the Maoists in April 10 Constituent Assembly elections. It decided to sit in the opposition following differences with Maoists on power-sharing but succeeded in installing party nominee Ram Baran Yadav as Nepal's President.During the meeting that began Monday, some Central leaders also mooted a collective leadership, involving top leaders like Ramchandra Paudyal, Shushil Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba, the sources said.NC chief and former prime minister G P Koirala, who is in his eighties, has been facing health problems for long.The party's central members also expressed the view that NC lost the April election due to organisational weaknesses.They urged the leadership to call the general convention, which is authorised to change the leadership of the party, by April next year. The general body has some 1,500 members and its meeting is convened every three years. PTI
Kathmandu, Sep 2 (PTI) Nepali Congress, once the largest party in the country which lost ground to Maoists in the recent polls, is focussing on an organisational revamp amid calls for a new leadership that could steer it towards a fresh direction in a more competitive political atmosphere.The eight-day long central committee meeting of the NC saw majority of the members voicing demands for a leadership change, party sources said here today.The NC, which was in the forefront of the 2006 popular uprising against now-deposed King Gyanendra, was pushed to the second spot by the Maoists in April 10 Constituent Assembly elections. It decided to sit in the opposition following differences with Maoists on power-sharing but succeeded in installing party nominee Ram Baran Yadav as Nepal's President.During the meeting that began Monday, some Central leaders also mooted a collective leadership, involving top leaders like Ramchandra Paudyal, Shushil Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba, the sources said.NC chief and former prime minister G P Koirala, who is in his eighties, has been facing health problems for long.The party's central members also expressed the view that NC lost the April election due to organisational weaknesses.They urged the leadership to call the general convention, which is authorised to change the leadership of the party, by April next year. The general body has some 1,500 members and its meeting is convened every three years. PTI
The Maoist Government will not last long - Govinda raj Joshi
Govinda Raj Joshi - Central Committee member, Nepali Congress
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4003
Govinda Raj Joshi, a Nepali Congress Central Committee member was born in the year 1949 at Khalte in Rupakot Village Development Committee of Tanahun district.
Mr. Joshi holds a MA degree in the Political Science discipline.
His step into the field of politics dates back to the year 1964 when Joshi had just begun his student life. Joshi who regards late B.P Koirala as his ideal was the president of free students union (College of Education) and Gandaki Students Council.
Joshi was a member of Tarun Dal-the youth wing of Nepali Congress Party in the year 1969, secretary of Nepali Congress, Tanahun in 2033, secretary of multiparty campaign committee of the Nepali Congress Party in 1979, the vice- president of Nepali Congress Party, Tanahun district and eventually made it to the central committee member of the party in the year 1997.
Likewise, Mr. Joshi was elected as central committee member of the party in the year 2000. Twice a central committee member, Mr. Joshi has already held the post of a joint general secretary of the party. He actively worked as a coordinator while the construction of the Nepali Congress Party Building was underway at Sanepa, Lalitpur. (Courtesy: Wikipedia)
TGQ1: Mr. Joshi you have been leading the “dissatisfied faction” in the Nepali Congress Camp. Why you have been demanding the call for an early party general assembly?
Mr. Joshi: Our demand for the time being is only to declare fresh dates for the party general assembly. It is my firm belief that the existing problems within the party will be resolved and thus unity restored in the party after holding the general assembly.
We do recognize that the party is undergoing unprecedented crisis currently. Thus declaring fresh dates for the general assembly and democratically discussing issues in contention is the only way to restore party’s lost glories and democratic credentials. Thus I along with majority of my party colleagues in the central committee have been demanding immediately calling the party’s General Assembly.
But the CC so far seems to have ignored your demand?
I have always said that the Nepali Congress as the country’s single Democratic Party should break all its relations with the Maoists. I have also been saying that the Nepali Congress should play the role of an active opposition in the Constituent Assembly. I always believed that the Nepali Congress being the only Democratic Party and also a party of the liberals with its glorious past should not have joined the government with the extreme Left Party such as the Maoists. Look what has happened now. We have stopped working with the Maoists and now we are in the opposition. If we would have continued the alliance with the Maoists, the Nepali Congress would have disappeared from the political scene altogether.
B.P. Koirala never ever tried to establish any relations with the Communists. He even rejected the proposals of liberal communist leaders of the likes of Pushpalal Pradhan and Manmohan Adhikari to work together. Because he knew that if Nepali Congress works with the Communists, the NC will loose its identity once and for all.
This is what we have been saying in public and also within the party itself---which has come to true in the recent past. More specifically, in the last two years what I and my friends have said have become cent per cent true. Visualizing the past and our predictions becoming true, I firmly believe that the Nepali Congress leadership does not have the moral to ignore our demands. Our demand has become the voice of two hundred thousand Nepali Congress cadres. The party high command must understand our mood for the GA properly and declare fresh dates.
TGQ2: The Nepali Congress in its entire political history has never been so weak as it is now, say some political analysts. In you opinion, Mr. Joshi, Change in the party leadership or even looking for an alternative to Girija Prasad Koirala, what may bring good results for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: I slightly differ with you in that the party itself is still and will remain very strong in the future but I accept that the party management has been the weakest at the moment in its entire history. Nevertheless, Nepali Congress is the oldest and the biggest party. Undermining Nepali Congress’s political influence in the country could be a big mistake for the critics.
The fact is that the party president Girija Babu has become very old and is weak as well. The NC management under his command could not perform its tasks well as was demanded. And it is this management that brought the party to this weakened state. But Girija Babu is still adamant. It seems he is yet to learn lessons from the blunders and the follies he has committed. He still believes that the Nepali Congress can still run under his whims. Koirala and his ilk do not want to hold the party general assembly at the earliest instead they want it delayed further.
Nevertheless, we have been strongly forwarding the idea of holding the GA as soon as possible which would ultimately ensure that the party command will go to a group leadership but not any more the party’s affairs can become the exclusive prerogative of a person as such. I have time and again told the party leadership that the group leadership is the only viable option to regain the lost grounds of the party in Nepali politics. How to proceed with the agenda of a group leadership and to outline the role of the group leadership shall be discussed within the party in the days ahead. If we do not move in this direction the Nepali Congress could face further challenges in the national level politics.
Regarding the question on changing the leadership—the issue will be dealt within the General Assembly. It is the exclusive right of the Nepali Congress cadres to choose the central leadership. The group leadership thus takes over the personal leadership and the smaller factions within the Nepali Congress will automatically cease to exist.
But tell you very frankly Koirala is still our supreme leader but the party affairs can no longer run at the helms of his leadership. It is his self decision whether he wants to take a rest after the General Assembly meeting or continue serving the party. After the GA, the party will chose a different leadership as there is also the provision that a single person cannot continue third time in office as the president of the party.
Koirala is a complete failure for the party, is this you want to say precisely?
Not at all. In his leadership the party has traversed a comfortable distance. He is already 85 years old. We have no one to lead the party after him. This is the problem. Be it the Peoples’ Uprising or the CA elections, such historical events did take place under his leadership. We cannot call him a failed politician.
TGQ3: How you assessed the unthought-of CA election defeat for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: The Nepali Congress Central Committee is solely responsible for the CA election defeat. To a large extent it is due to some selfish leaders who were in the government and also very close to the Maoists-they ensured that the party did not win the election. It is because of their ill intention the party had to face the unexpected result. They gave the impression that the two communists, the UML and the Maoists, will fight for their seats in the election which will bode positive results for the NC party. No efforts were put in place to take control over the deteriorating security situation.
What prospect is there for the NC in the opposition?
Look we are actually the government in the waiting. The Maoists government in all likelihood will not see the light of the day. This Maoist led government can not steer the nation properly. This is the time we should be very active and regain out lost grounds by rebuilding our grass root contacts. The role in opposition should be taken as an opportunity gained not opportunity lost.
TGQ4: You said that the government cannot continue for long. Is it that the Nepali Congress will do everything possible in order not to let the government function?
Mr. Joshi: Everybody has noticed that the political wrangling is already troubling the common men. Some of the alliance partners are busy raising protocol issue and some time they are not satisfied with the ministry they are awarded with. These are petty issues yet could impact the country heavily. The point here is that the alliance that is leading the nation currently if remains heavily involved in political skirmishes how it can perform the job of the nation and the people?
To your second question, let me make you clear that it is not our job to make or break a government. Our role as the opposition this time around will be a very positive one. Our response depends on the government’s performances.
Is there a threat the country falling into the complete Communist grip?
I do not think that it will happen. The communists have accepted the democratic polity. To tell you frankly the UML is not at all a Communist Party. When we talk of the Leftists, we now refer to the extreme left. You will see that the Maoists, time permitting will become very similar to the UML.
Take it for granted, the country will rather fall into the fold of the real democratic forces very soon.
The current government is, say experts, tiled more to China, what say you?
You are right. The government till the day before seemed to have acquired the China tilt. You will see few weeks later it will be India tilted. In reality it cannot stand tall…this government. The problem with this government is that it is not built on a strong foundation. Thus it keeps on vibrating form one point to the other.
TGQ5: You took differing views on several matters in the Nepali Congress and also led the “dissatisfied faction” in the party. What say you now?
Mr. Joshi: Do not get entangled with the dissatisfaction we have from the party leadership to that of leading the non-existent dissatisfied faction in the party. We are firm on what we speak and on our ideology thus we are called the dissatisfied because our stature is rigid.
Our point is only that the NC should not join the government at the moment. It is the time that the NC takes to the path of internal reforms, regaining our lost grounds should be the top priority and also we should fight for the complete democracy. We must fulfill the promises we have made to our people. In reality, there is no other party that speaks in favor of the people other than the Nepali Congress. It is only natural that some time we face some ideological ups and downs and also face problems in managing the party affairs and thus we take it as a high time to correct our mistakes, we stay out of the government and sort out our internal problems.(Courtesy: Janbhawana Weekly, Nepal)
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4003
Govinda Raj Joshi, a Nepali Congress Central Committee member was born in the year 1949 at Khalte in Rupakot Village Development Committee of Tanahun district.
Mr. Joshi holds a MA degree in the Political Science discipline.
His step into the field of politics dates back to the year 1964 when Joshi had just begun his student life. Joshi who regards late B.P Koirala as his ideal was the president of free students union (College of Education) and Gandaki Students Council.
Joshi was a member of Tarun Dal-the youth wing of Nepali Congress Party in the year 1969, secretary of Nepali Congress, Tanahun in 2033, secretary of multiparty campaign committee of the Nepali Congress Party in 1979, the vice- president of Nepali Congress Party, Tanahun district and eventually made it to the central committee member of the party in the year 1997.
Likewise, Mr. Joshi was elected as central committee member of the party in the year 2000. Twice a central committee member, Mr. Joshi has already held the post of a joint general secretary of the party. He actively worked as a coordinator while the construction of the Nepali Congress Party Building was underway at Sanepa, Lalitpur. (Courtesy: Wikipedia)
TGQ1: Mr. Joshi you have been leading the “dissatisfied faction” in the Nepali Congress Camp. Why you have been demanding the call for an early party general assembly?
Mr. Joshi: Our demand for the time being is only to declare fresh dates for the party general assembly. It is my firm belief that the existing problems within the party will be resolved and thus unity restored in the party after holding the general assembly.
We do recognize that the party is undergoing unprecedented crisis currently. Thus declaring fresh dates for the general assembly and democratically discussing issues in contention is the only way to restore party’s lost glories and democratic credentials. Thus I along with majority of my party colleagues in the central committee have been demanding immediately calling the party’s General Assembly.
But the CC so far seems to have ignored your demand?
I have always said that the Nepali Congress as the country’s single Democratic Party should break all its relations with the Maoists. I have also been saying that the Nepali Congress should play the role of an active opposition in the Constituent Assembly. I always believed that the Nepali Congress being the only Democratic Party and also a party of the liberals with its glorious past should not have joined the government with the extreme Left Party such as the Maoists. Look what has happened now. We have stopped working with the Maoists and now we are in the opposition. If we would have continued the alliance with the Maoists, the Nepali Congress would have disappeared from the political scene altogether.
B.P. Koirala never ever tried to establish any relations with the Communists. He even rejected the proposals of liberal communist leaders of the likes of Pushpalal Pradhan and Manmohan Adhikari to work together. Because he knew that if Nepali Congress works with the Communists, the NC will loose its identity once and for all.
This is what we have been saying in public and also within the party itself---which has come to true in the recent past. More specifically, in the last two years what I and my friends have said have become cent per cent true. Visualizing the past and our predictions becoming true, I firmly believe that the Nepali Congress leadership does not have the moral to ignore our demands. Our demand has become the voice of two hundred thousand Nepali Congress cadres. The party high command must understand our mood for the GA properly and declare fresh dates.
TGQ2: The Nepali Congress in its entire political history has never been so weak as it is now, say some political analysts. In you opinion, Mr. Joshi, Change in the party leadership or even looking for an alternative to Girija Prasad Koirala, what may bring good results for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: I slightly differ with you in that the party itself is still and will remain very strong in the future but I accept that the party management has been the weakest at the moment in its entire history. Nevertheless, Nepali Congress is the oldest and the biggest party. Undermining Nepali Congress’s political influence in the country could be a big mistake for the critics.
The fact is that the party president Girija Babu has become very old and is weak as well. The NC management under his command could not perform its tasks well as was demanded. And it is this management that brought the party to this weakened state. But Girija Babu is still adamant. It seems he is yet to learn lessons from the blunders and the follies he has committed. He still believes that the Nepali Congress can still run under his whims. Koirala and his ilk do not want to hold the party general assembly at the earliest instead they want it delayed further.
Nevertheless, we have been strongly forwarding the idea of holding the GA as soon as possible which would ultimately ensure that the party command will go to a group leadership but not any more the party’s affairs can become the exclusive prerogative of a person as such. I have time and again told the party leadership that the group leadership is the only viable option to regain the lost grounds of the party in Nepali politics. How to proceed with the agenda of a group leadership and to outline the role of the group leadership shall be discussed within the party in the days ahead. If we do not move in this direction the Nepali Congress could face further challenges in the national level politics.
Regarding the question on changing the leadership—the issue will be dealt within the General Assembly. It is the exclusive right of the Nepali Congress cadres to choose the central leadership. The group leadership thus takes over the personal leadership and the smaller factions within the Nepali Congress will automatically cease to exist.
But tell you very frankly Koirala is still our supreme leader but the party affairs can no longer run at the helms of his leadership. It is his self decision whether he wants to take a rest after the General Assembly meeting or continue serving the party. After the GA, the party will chose a different leadership as there is also the provision that a single person cannot continue third time in office as the president of the party.
Koirala is a complete failure for the party, is this you want to say precisely?
Not at all. In his leadership the party has traversed a comfortable distance. He is already 85 years old. We have no one to lead the party after him. This is the problem. Be it the Peoples’ Uprising or the CA elections, such historical events did take place under his leadership. We cannot call him a failed politician.
TGQ3: How you assessed the unthought-of CA election defeat for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: The Nepali Congress Central Committee is solely responsible for the CA election defeat. To a large extent it is due to some selfish leaders who were in the government and also very close to the Maoists-they ensured that the party did not win the election. It is because of their ill intention the party had to face the unexpected result. They gave the impression that the two communists, the UML and the Maoists, will fight for their seats in the election which will bode positive results for the NC party. No efforts were put in place to take control over the deteriorating security situation.
What prospect is there for the NC in the opposition?
Look we are actually the government in the waiting. The Maoists government in all likelihood will not see the light of the day. This Maoist led government can not steer the nation properly. This is the time we should be very active and regain out lost grounds by rebuilding our grass root contacts. The role in opposition should be taken as an opportunity gained not opportunity lost.
TGQ4: You said that the government cannot continue for long. Is it that the Nepali Congress will do everything possible in order not to let the government function?
Mr. Joshi: Everybody has noticed that the political wrangling is already troubling the common men. Some of the alliance partners are busy raising protocol issue and some time they are not satisfied with the ministry they are awarded with. These are petty issues yet could impact the country heavily. The point here is that the alliance that is leading the nation currently if remains heavily involved in political skirmishes how it can perform the job of the nation and the people?
To your second question, let me make you clear that it is not our job to make or break a government. Our role as the opposition this time around will be a very positive one. Our response depends on the government’s performances.
Is there a threat the country falling into the complete Communist grip?
I do not think that it will happen. The communists have accepted the democratic polity. To tell you frankly the UML is not at all a Communist Party. When we talk of the Leftists, we now refer to the extreme left. You will see that the Maoists, time permitting will become very similar to the UML.
Take it for granted, the country will rather fall into the fold of the real democratic forces very soon.
The current government is, say experts, tiled more to China, what say you?
You are right. The government till the day before seemed to have acquired the China tilt. You will see few weeks later it will be India tilted. In reality it cannot stand tall…this government. The problem with this government is that it is not built on a strong foundation. Thus it keeps on vibrating form one point to the other.
TGQ5: You took differing views on several matters in the Nepali Congress and also led the “dissatisfied faction” in the party. What say you now?
Mr. Joshi: Do not get entangled with the dissatisfaction we have from the party leadership to that of leading the non-existent dissatisfied faction in the party. We are firm on what we speak and on our ideology thus we are called the dissatisfied because our stature is rigid.
Our point is only that the NC should not join the government at the moment. It is the time that the NC takes to the path of internal reforms, regaining our lost grounds should be the top priority and also we should fight for the complete democracy. We must fulfill the promises we have made to our people. In reality, there is no other party that speaks in favor of the people other than the Nepali Congress. It is only natural that some time we face some ideological ups and downs and also face problems in managing the party affairs and thus we take it as a high time to correct our mistakes, we stay out of the government and sort out our internal problems.(Courtesy: Janbhawana Weekly, Nepal)
Tuesday, September 2, 2008
NC CWC extends tenure by one year
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=159040
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 1 - Nepali Congress (NC) Central Working Committee (CWC) on Sunday extended its tenure by a year, a day before its normal tenure was going to expire. The three-year tenure of the CWC formed through its 11th General Convention in September 2, 2005, was expiring on Monday.
The move gives continuity to the NC of not holding its general convention on time.
NC leader Laxman Prasad Ghimire said that the party has never been able to hold its general convention within three years "due to internal and external causes."
"If the party fails to hold the general convention on time, the CWC meeting can extend its tenure not exceeding two years," Ghimire said, adding, "The ongoing CWC meeting will fix the date for the 12th general convention."
Party's statement issued Sunday said the party, after Mahasamity meeting of both NC and NC-D last year, remained busy preparing for CA polls , enforcement of republican rules and election to president and prime minister, leading to its failure in holding timely convention and make necessary reforms in party structures.
Immediately after taking the decision to extend the tenure, the party has informed the Election Commission about the extention of the tenure.
In a separate decision, party also expressed serious concern over the loss of human lives and properties in different VDCs of Tanahun district recently, where at least seven people were killed due to incessant rainfalls and landslides. It requested the government, Nepal Red Cross Society and other organizations to provide relief for the landslide victims.
Posted on: 2008-08-31 19:50:59 (Server Time)
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 1 - Nepali Congress (NC) Central Working Committee (CWC) on Sunday extended its tenure by a year, a day before its normal tenure was going to expire. The three-year tenure of the CWC formed through its 11th General Convention in September 2, 2005, was expiring on Monday.
The move gives continuity to the NC of not holding its general convention on time.
NC leader Laxman Prasad Ghimire said that the party has never been able to hold its general convention within three years "due to internal and external causes."
"If the party fails to hold the general convention on time, the CWC meeting can extend its tenure not exceeding two years," Ghimire said, adding, "The ongoing CWC meeting will fix the date for the 12th general convention."
Party's statement issued Sunday said the party, after Mahasamity meeting of both NC and NC-D last year, remained busy preparing for CA polls , enforcement of republican rules and election to president and prime minister, leading to its failure in holding timely convention and make necessary reforms in party structures.
Immediately after taking the decision to extend the tenure, the party has informed the Election Commission about the extention of the tenure.
In a separate decision, party also expressed serious concern over the loss of human lives and properties in different VDCs of Tanahun district recently, where at least seven people were killed due to incessant rainfalls and landslides. It requested the government, Nepal Red Cross Society and other organizations to provide relief for the landslide victims.
Posted on: 2008-08-31 19:50:59 (Server Time)
Nepali Congress can learn a lesson from Hillary’s speech - Prakash Rimal
http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullstory.asp?filename=aFanata0sa2qzpla0Wa4wa.axamal&folder=aHaoamW&Name=Home&dtSiteDate=20080831
Kathmandu, August 30:On Wednesday Senator Hillary Clinton vowed to work to elect the man, who thwarted her presidential dreams, Barack Hussein Obama, now waiting to become the first black president of the United States. In an emotional speech she backed Obama as the Democratic party’s nominee for the presidential election, due on November 4, and appealed to her supporters to stand by Barack.
“Whether you voted for me or voted for Barack, the time is now to unite as a single party with a single purpose,” she told a party convention in Denver, Colorado.Back home, Nepal’s “oldest and largest democratic institution” — the Nepali Congress (NC) — is groping for a way forward five months after suffering a humiliating defeat in the historic CA election. The party began its Central Working Committee meeting on Monday and practically spent the entire week discussing too many different issues that centred around General Secretary Bimalendra Nidhi’s paper. Key among them are calls for the party’s re-organisation, announcement of fresh dates for the General Assembly and General Convention, revivalof collective leadership and creating an atmosphere for emotional unity.
Each speaker raised these issues that mean different things to different speakers.The CWC members need to come out of the shells in which they reside. Sooner or later, the Assembly and the Convention will have to take place to elect the party leadership. But voting a faction in and another out of the leadership ladder hardly contributes to unity in the party unless, like Hillary Clinton stated, the NC rank and file ‘unite as a single party with a single purpose’ irrespective of who wins or who loses. The thing called team spirit seems to be lacking in the NC.
What’s important at this stage is that the NC men and women pledge to stand by the party — irrespective of who they would want to see commanding the ship. Or else, rushing for a vote to choose a new team or re-elect the old guards will only prove to be a purpose defeated.In the absence of such a pledge, the party will never be able to unite emotionally or re-organise itself, even if Assembly meets within the next three months and the Council appoints a new leader in another nine months.
The CWC members better understand that re-organising a mass-based party like the NC is not as easy as it sounds. Besides, the organisation needs to attract the youth by addressing their concerns.While the NC badly needs a fresh impetus, the idea of collective leadership perhaps deserves a cold, hard look. For, collective leadership will only take the party back to square one.
Remember the triangular tussles and sabotages among and between Girija Prasad Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and late Ganesh Man Singh through the ‘90s? The jumbo CWC better understand that the lack of ‘emotional unity’ in the party is a continuation of the deep wounds the top three NC leaders inflicted on one another in their fight for supremacy at the cost of one another. What would remain of the party if history is repeated again?
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Kathmandu, August 30:On Wednesday Senator Hillary Clinton vowed to work to elect the man, who thwarted her presidential dreams, Barack Hussein Obama, now waiting to become the first black president of the United States. In an emotional speech she backed Obama as the Democratic party’s nominee for the presidential election, due on November 4, and appealed to her supporters to stand by Barack.
“Whether you voted for me or voted for Barack, the time is now to unite as a single party with a single purpose,” she told a party convention in Denver, Colorado.Back home, Nepal’s “oldest and largest democratic institution” — the Nepali Congress (NC) — is groping for a way forward five months after suffering a humiliating defeat in the historic CA election. The party began its Central Working Committee meeting on Monday and practically spent the entire week discussing too many different issues that centred around General Secretary Bimalendra Nidhi’s paper. Key among them are calls for the party’s re-organisation, announcement of fresh dates for the General Assembly and General Convention, revivalof collective leadership and creating an atmosphere for emotional unity.
Each speaker raised these issues that mean different things to different speakers.The CWC members need to come out of the shells in which they reside. Sooner or later, the Assembly and the Convention will have to take place to elect the party leadership. But voting a faction in and another out of the leadership ladder hardly contributes to unity in the party unless, like Hillary Clinton stated, the NC rank and file ‘unite as a single party with a single purpose’ irrespective of who wins or who loses. The thing called team spirit seems to be lacking in the NC.
What’s important at this stage is that the NC men and women pledge to stand by the party — irrespective of who they would want to see commanding the ship. Or else, rushing for a vote to choose a new team or re-elect the old guards will only prove to be a purpose defeated.In the absence of such a pledge, the party will never be able to unite emotionally or re-organise itself, even if Assembly meets within the next three months and the Council appoints a new leader in another nine months.
The CWC members better understand that re-organising a mass-based party like the NC is not as easy as it sounds. Besides, the organisation needs to attract the youth by addressing their concerns.While the NC badly needs a fresh impetus, the idea of collective leadership perhaps deserves a cold, hard look. For, collective leadership will only take the party back to square one.
Remember the triangular tussles and sabotages among and between Girija Prasad Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and late Ganesh Man Singh through the ‘90s? The jumbo CWC better understand that the lack of ‘emotional unity’ in the party is a continuation of the deep wounds the top three NC leaders inflicted on one another in their fight for supremacy at the cost of one another. What would remain of the party if history is repeated again?
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विचार र नेतृत्वको संकट -
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158844
कुमार रेग्मी
विगत ६० वर्षन्दा लामो समयदेखि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको केन्द्रमा रहेको नेपाली कांग्रेस आज तमासे भएको छ । उसको विरोध र असहमतिका बाबजुद दर्ुइ तिहाइभन्दा बढी मत ल्याएर उसैले शान्तिपर्ूण्ा राजनीतिमा ल्याएको भनिएको नेकपा माओवादीले सरकार बनाएको छ । यो र्समर्थन सरकारले कायम राखेमा संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा समेत ऊ भूमिकाशून्य र तमासे भएर रहनुपर्ने छ । आखिर कांग्रेस किन यो अवस्थामा पुग्यो -
प्रत्येक राजनीतिक संगठन निश्चित विचार र त्यसका आधारमा तयार भएको जनर्समथनको जगमा चलेको र टिकेको हुन्छ । त्यसमा राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको दूरदृष्टि, दृढसंकल्प, कठोर परिश्रम र निःस्वार्थ भावनाले प्रमुख भूमिका खेलेको हुन्छ । नेतृत्व महत्त्वाकांक्षी हुन सक्छ र सामान्य अवस्थामा त्यो स्वाभाविक पनि हुन्छ तर असहज र असामान्य अवस्थामा व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थर्,र् इष्र्या र बदलाका खातिर हजारौंको त्याग, तपस्या, परिश्रम र बलिदानबाट निर्माण भएको संगठनको इतिहासप्रति गद्दारी गर्ने गल्ती गर्नु ह“ुदैन । गरिएमा आज कांग्रेसले भोगेको परिणाम हात लाग्ने छ ।
आफूलाई बीपीको तस्बिरमुनि राख्ने तर बीपीको विचार र मार्गदर्शनलाई चाहिं तिरष्कार गरेर कांग्रेस नेपाली राजनीतिको केन्द्रमा कहिल्यै बस्नसक्ने छैन । बीपीले जीवनभरको राजनीतिक उतारचढाव, दुःखपीडा, यातना, भारत र दरबारस“गका कटु अनुभवसमेतका आधारमा जीवनको उत्तर्रार्द्धमा तयार पारेको राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीति र जीवनको अन्तिम अवस्थामा दिएका कालजयी सन्देशलाई चटक्कै छाड्नु नै कांग्रेसको वर्तमान दर्ुगतिको मूल कारण हो कि होइन भन्नेबारेमा खोई कांग्रेसभित्र छलफल र बहस चलेको -
बीपीले मुलुकको राष्ट्रिय एकता र अखण्डता कमजोर भएकाले सबै राष्ट्रवादी र प्रजातन्त्रवादी शक्ति एक हुनर्ुपर्छ भनी २०३३ सालमा भन्नुभएको कुरा के आज असान्दर्भिक भयो त - मूलतः भारतको नेपाल नीति बुझेर राष्ट्र कमजोर भएको सटिक विश्लेषण गरी फा“सीको सजाय हुनसक्ने अवस्थालाई समेत बेवास्ता गरी बीपी, गणेशमान स्वदेश फर्केपछि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रीकरण अभियानले पछि र्फकनुपरेको छैन ।
यति हु“दाह“ुदै नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीतिलाई किन १२ बु“दे सहमति गर्ने नाममा भारतकै पोल्टामा पुर्याइयो र त्यसपछि लज्जास्पद ढंगले उसलाई नेपालको आन्तरिक मामिलामा अझ बढी हस्तक्षेप गर्नका लागि किन आमन्त्रित गरियो - कांगे्रसले आन्दोलन र सरकार दुवैको नेतृत्व गरेकाले जबाफ उसैले दिनर्ुपर्छ तर कुनै पनि कांग्रेसी नेतास“ग यसको चित्तबुझ्दो जबाफ छैन । झारा टार्ने केटौली तर्कबाट यी प्रश्नकोे जबाफ दिन सकि“दैन ।
कांगे्रसले ६० वर्षलामो कठोर मिहिनेतसाथ तयार पारेको बाटो छाडेर नया“ बाटो हि“ड्ने निर्ण्र्ाागर्यो तर नया“ बाटामा पहिलैदेखि अरू नै हि“डिरहेकाले उसले उचित स्थान पाउन सक्ने कुरै भएन । त्यसैले आफूले टेकिरहेको हा“गा आफंैले काटेर समात्ने हा“गा नभेटेको अवस्थामा आज कांगे्रस पुगेको छ । नया“ बाटो नेपाल, नेपाली र आफ्नै लागि अझ सुरक्षित छ भन्ने विश्वास नहुन्जेल स्थापित भइरहेका बाटामा कु“डाकर्कट भए हटाएर, खाल्डा परेको भए उचित मर्मत गरेर वा बाटाको माथिल्लो पत्र भत्काएर नया“ कालोपत्र राखेर हि“ड्न सकिन्थ्यो । त्यसो नगर्नाले आज ऊ आफूले बनाएको सहर भनी घमन्ड गरे पनि नया“ सहरको बिरानो मानिस हुनपुगेको छ । यो स्वाभाविक छ किनभने नया“ सहरका तीन मुख्य नारा- गणतन्त्र, संघीयता र धर्मनिरपेक्षता अहिलेसम्म पनि उसको विधानले स्वीकार नगरेका विषय हुन् ।
छ दशकभन्दा लामो समयसम्म धेरै राजनीतिक उतारचढावका बीच पनि कांगे्रसले आफ्नो स्थापनाकालको उद्देश्य र औचित्यलाई छाडेको थिएन । वास्तवमा त्यही नै उसको वास्तविक पु“जी रहेछ भन्ने कुरा अब धैरैले बुझिसकेको हुनर्ुपर्छ । ६० वर्षा तीनचार पुस्ताले कांगे्रस के हो र कस्तो हो भनेर चिनिबुझसिकेका थिए । उसको बाटो न त उग्रवामपन्थीको थियो न उग्रदक्षिणपन्थीको । उसले रोजेको र लामो समय मलजल गरेको बाटो मध्यमार्गको थियो । उसले निर्माण गरेको मध्यमार्गी बाटामा व्यक्तिगत स्वतन्त्रता र निजी सम्पत्तिलाई उच्च संरक्षण गर्दै, शान्तिपर्ूण्ा जीवनयापन गर्न चाहने, कानुन पालना गर्ने, आफ्नो धर्म, संस्कृति र स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्रिय पहिचान बचाउ“दै आधुनिकतातर्फअघि बढ्ने नेपाली समाजभित्रको सबैभन्दा ठूलो जमात एकाकार भएर हि“डेको थियो । मध्यमार्गी भएकै कारण समयसमयमा संगठन शून्य भएको अवस्थामा पनि यो पुनः मुलुकको प्रमुख परिवर्तनकारी राजनीतिक
शक्ति हुन सफल भएको यथार्थलाई वर्तमानको कांग्रेस नेतृत्वले पर्ूण्ा रूपमा बिर्सिएको देखिन्छ ।
००७ सालको क्रान्तिदेखि नै कांग्रेसलाई मध्यमार्गी धारबाट विचलित गर्राई भूमिकाशून्य गराउने धैरै प्रयास भए पनि नेतृत्वको दूरदर्शिताका कारण ती सफल भएका थिएनन् । विशेषतः बीपीले नेपालको विशिष्ट भूराजनीतिक अवस्थाका कारण गम्भीर र जटिल रहेको नेपालको राष्ट्रियताको प्रश्नलाई र्सवाधिक महत्त्व दि“दै जनताका सम्पर्ूण्ा मौलिक अधिकारसहितको प्रजातान्त्रीकरणलाई कांग्रेसको मूलमन्त्र बनाई त्यसमा विचलित नहुन्जेल यसको उपादेयता र भविष्य छ, अन्यथा यो संकटमा पर्ने छ भनी बारम्बार बोलेको कुरा आज रामवाणझैं प्रमाणित भएको छ तर दर्ुभाय, कांग्रेसभित्रको उच्च नेतृत्व र त्यहा“भित्र चर्का कुरा गरेर आफ्नो रोटी पकाइरहेका अन्य कतिपय दोस्रो र तेस्रो दर्जाका नेतालाई यी कुराले कुनै असर पार्ने देखिन्न ।
कांग्रेसले मध्यमार्गी धार छाड्दै जा“दा विगत दर्ुइ वर्षता जातीय, क्षेत्रीय र साम्प्रदायिक राजनीति डरलाग्दो ढंगले अघि बढेको स्पष्ट छ । नेपालका सबै जातजाति, वर्ण्र्ााधर्म सम्प्रदाय र भाषाभाषी बोल्ने अधिकांश मानिस समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितका पक्षमा छन् तर तिनलाई केही छुद्र निहित र क्षणिक स्वार्थ भएका तत्त्वले भड्काइरहेका छन् । प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिका रूपमा कांग्रेसले यस्ताखाले चुनौती सामना नगरेमा बहुसंख्यक नेपालीको राष्ट्रिय पहिचानसहित समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितमा अर्को प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिको उपस्थित भई यो अझ भूमिकाशून्य र कमजोर हु“दै जाने छ ।
आफ्नो इतिहासको सम्मानजनक मूल्यांकन नगरी कांग्रेस न त हिजोको जस्तो सबैले विश्वास गर्न सक्ने भरपर्दो संगठन बन्न सक्छ न उसले भविष्यमा निश्चित रूपमा आउने राष्ट्रियता र प्रजातन्त्रमाथिका खतराको मुकाबिला गर्न सक्छ । त्यसैगरी नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने सर्न्दर्भमा छुद्र र सानातिना राजनीतिक फाइदाबेफाइदालाई बिल्कुलै वास्ता नगरी समग्र नेपालको हित कसरी हुन्छ, त्यसैबाट निर्देशित भएर अगाडि बढेमा कांग्रेसले आफैंलाई लगाएका घाउ बिस्तारै पुरि“दै जान सक्नेतर्फऊ सजग हुन जरुरी देखिन्छ ।
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:34:35
कुमार रेग्मी
विगत ६० वर्षन्दा लामो समयदेखि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको केन्द्रमा रहेको नेपाली कांग्रेस आज तमासे भएको छ । उसको विरोध र असहमतिका बाबजुद दर्ुइ तिहाइभन्दा बढी मत ल्याएर उसैले शान्तिपर्ूण्ा राजनीतिमा ल्याएको भनिएको नेकपा माओवादीले सरकार बनाएको छ । यो र्समर्थन सरकारले कायम राखेमा संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा समेत ऊ भूमिकाशून्य र तमासे भएर रहनुपर्ने छ । आखिर कांग्रेस किन यो अवस्थामा पुग्यो -
प्रत्येक राजनीतिक संगठन निश्चित विचार र त्यसका आधारमा तयार भएको जनर्समथनको जगमा चलेको र टिकेको हुन्छ । त्यसमा राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको दूरदृष्टि, दृढसंकल्प, कठोर परिश्रम र निःस्वार्थ भावनाले प्रमुख भूमिका खेलेको हुन्छ । नेतृत्व महत्त्वाकांक्षी हुन सक्छ र सामान्य अवस्थामा त्यो स्वाभाविक पनि हुन्छ तर असहज र असामान्य अवस्थामा व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थर्,र् इष्र्या र बदलाका खातिर हजारौंको त्याग, तपस्या, परिश्रम र बलिदानबाट निर्माण भएको संगठनको इतिहासप्रति गद्दारी गर्ने गल्ती गर्नु ह“ुदैन । गरिएमा आज कांग्रेसले भोगेको परिणाम हात लाग्ने छ ।
आफूलाई बीपीको तस्बिरमुनि राख्ने तर बीपीको विचार र मार्गदर्शनलाई चाहिं तिरष्कार गरेर कांग्रेस नेपाली राजनीतिको केन्द्रमा कहिल्यै बस्नसक्ने छैन । बीपीले जीवनभरको राजनीतिक उतारचढाव, दुःखपीडा, यातना, भारत र दरबारस“गका कटु अनुभवसमेतका आधारमा जीवनको उत्तर्रार्द्धमा तयार पारेको राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीति र जीवनको अन्तिम अवस्थामा दिएका कालजयी सन्देशलाई चटक्कै छाड्नु नै कांग्रेसको वर्तमान दर्ुगतिको मूल कारण हो कि होइन भन्नेबारेमा खोई कांग्रेसभित्र छलफल र बहस चलेको -
बीपीले मुलुकको राष्ट्रिय एकता र अखण्डता कमजोर भएकाले सबै राष्ट्रवादी र प्रजातन्त्रवादी शक्ति एक हुनर्ुपर्छ भनी २०३३ सालमा भन्नुभएको कुरा के आज असान्दर्भिक भयो त - मूलतः भारतको नेपाल नीति बुझेर राष्ट्र कमजोर भएको सटिक विश्लेषण गरी फा“सीको सजाय हुनसक्ने अवस्थालाई समेत बेवास्ता गरी बीपी, गणेशमान स्वदेश फर्केपछि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रीकरण अभियानले पछि र्फकनुपरेको छैन ।
यति हु“दाह“ुदै नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीतिलाई किन १२ बु“दे सहमति गर्ने नाममा भारतकै पोल्टामा पुर्याइयो र त्यसपछि लज्जास्पद ढंगले उसलाई नेपालको आन्तरिक मामिलामा अझ बढी हस्तक्षेप गर्नका लागि किन आमन्त्रित गरियो - कांगे्रसले आन्दोलन र सरकार दुवैको नेतृत्व गरेकाले जबाफ उसैले दिनर्ुपर्छ तर कुनै पनि कांग्रेसी नेतास“ग यसको चित्तबुझ्दो जबाफ छैन । झारा टार्ने केटौली तर्कबाट यी प्रश्नकोे जबाफ दिन सकि“दैन ।
कांगे्रसले ६० वर्षलामो कठोर मिहिनेतसाथ तयार पारेको बाटो छाडेर नया“ बाटो हि“ड्ने निर्ण्र्ाागर्यो तर नया“ बाटामा पहिलैदेखि अरू नै हि“डिरहेकाले उसले उचित स्थान पाउन सक्ने कुरै भएन । त्यसैले आफूले टेकिरहेको हा“गा आफंैले काटेर समात्ने हा“गा नभेटेको अवस्थामा आज कांगे्रस पुगेको छ । नया“ बाटो नेपाल, नेपाली र आफ्नै लागि अझ सुरक्षित छ भन्ने विश्वास नहुन्जेल स्थापित भइरहेका बाटामा कु“डाकर्कट भए हटाएर, खाल्डा परेको भए उचित मर्मत गरेर वा बाटाको माथिल्लो पत्र भत्काएर नया“ कालोपत्र राखेर हि“ड्न सकिन्थ्यो । त्यसो नगर्नाले आज ऊ आफूले बनाएको सहर भनी घमन्ड गरे पनि नया“ सहरको बिरानो मानिस हुनपुगेको छ । यो स्वाभाविक छ किनभने नया“ सहरका तीन मुख्य नारा- गणतन्त्र, संघीयता र धर्मनिरपेक्षता अहिलेसम्म पनि उसको विधानले स्वीकार नगरेका विषय हुन् ।
छ दशकभन्दा लामो समयसम्म धेरै राजनीतिक उतारचढावका बीच पनि कांगे्रसले आफ्नो स्थापनाकालको उद्देश्य र औचित्यलाई छाडेको थिएन । वास्तवमा त्यही नै उसको वास्तविक पु“जी रहेछ भन्ने कुरा अब धैरैले बुझिसकेको हुनर्ुपर्छ । ६० वर्षा तीनचार पुस्ताले कांगे्रस के हो र कस्तो हो भनेर चिनिबुझसिकेका थिए । उसको बाटो न त उग्रवामपन्थीको थियो न उग्रदक्षिणपन्थीको । उसले रोजेको र लामो समय मलजल गरेको बाटो मध्यमार्गको थियो । उसले निर्माण गरेको मध्यमार्गी बाटामा व्यक्तिगत स्वतन्त्रता र निजी सम्पत्तिलाई उच्च संरक्षण गर्दै, शान्तिपर्ूण्ा जीवनयापन गर्न चाहने, कानुन पालना गर्ने, आफ्नो धर्म, संस्कृति र स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्रिय पहिचान बचाउ“दै आधुनिकतातर्फअघि बढ्ने नेपाली समाजभित्रको सबैभन्दा ठूलो जमात एकाकार भएर हि“डेको थियो । मध्यमार्गी भएकै कारण समयसमयमा संगठन शून्य भएको अवस्थामा पनि यो पुनः मुलुकको प्रमुख परिवर्तनकारी राजनीतिक
शक्ति हुन सफल भएको यथार्थलाई वर्तमानको कांग्रेस नेतृत्वले पर्ूण्ा रूपमा बिर्सिएको देखिन्छ ।
००७ सालको क्रान्तिदेखि नै कांग्रेसलाई मध्यमार्गी धारबाट विचलित गर्राई भूमिकाशून्य गराउने धैरै प्रयास भए पनि नेतृत्वको दूरदर्शिताका कारण ती सफल भएका थिएनन् । विशेषतः बीपीले नेपालको विशिष्ट भूराजनीतिक अवस्थाका कारण गम्भीर र जटिल रहेको नेपालको राष्ट्रियताको प्रश्नलाई र्सवाधिक महत्त्व दि“दै जनताका सम्पर्ूण्ा मौलिक अधिकारसहितको प्रजातान्त्रीकरणलाई कांग्रेसको मूलमन्त्र बनाई त्यसमा विचलित नहुन्जेल यसको उपादेयता र भविष्य छ, अन्यथा यो संकटमा पर्ने छ भनी बारम्बार बोलेको कुरा आज रामवाणझैं प्रमाणित भएको छ तर दर्ुभाय, कांग्रेसभित्रको उच्च नेतृत्व र त्यहा“भित्र चर्का कुरा गरेर आफ्नो रोटी पकाइरहेका अन्य कतिपय दोस्रो र तेस्रो दर्जाका नेतालाई यी कुराले कुनै असर पार्ने देखिन्न ।
कांग्रेसले मध्यमार्गी धार छाड्दै जा“दा विगत दर्ुइ वर्षता जातीय, क्षेत्रीय र साम्प्रदायिक राजनीति डरलाग्दो ढंगले अघि बढेको स्पष्ट छ । नेपालका सबै जातजाति, वर्ण्र्ााधर्म सम्प्रदाय र भाषाभाषी बोल्ने अधिकांश मानिस समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितका पक्षमा छन् तर तिनलाई केही छुद्र निहित र क्षणिक स्वार्थ भएका तत्त्वले भड्काइरहेका छन् । प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिका रूपमा कांग्रेसले यस्ताखाले चुनौती सामना नगरेमा बहुसंख्यक नेपालीको राष्ट्रिय पहिचानसहित समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितमा अर्को प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिको उपस्थित भई यो अझ भूमिकाशून्य र कमजोर हु“दै जाने छ ।
आफ्नो इतिहासको सम्मानजनक मूल्यांकन नगरी कांग्रेस न त हिजोको जस्तो सबैले विश्वास गर्न सक्ने भरपर्दो संगठन बन्न सक्छ न उसले भविष्यमा निश्चित रूपमा आउने राष्ट्रियता र प्रजातन्त्रमाथिका खतराको मुकाबिला गर्न सक्छ । त्यसैगरी नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने सर्न्दर्भमा छुद्र र सानातिना राजनीतिक फाइदाबेफाइदालाई बिल्कुलै वास्ता नगरी समग्र नेपालको हित कसरी हुन्छ, त्यसैबाट निर्देशित भएर अगाडि बढेमा कांग्रेसले आफैंलाई लगाएका घाउ बिस्तारै पुरि“दै जान सक्नेतर्फऊ सजग हुन जरुरी देखिन्छ ।
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:34:35
नया“ नेपालमा नया“ कांग्रेस
विमलेन्द्र निधि
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158843
संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रसहितको संविधान निर्माण गर्ने, शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई लक्ष्यमा पुर्याउनेे, भएका सहमति र सम्झौताहरूको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने, कानुन व्यवस्था कायम राख्ने र दैनिक जीवनको आवश्यकता पर्ूर्ति गर्ने, संविधानसभा, सरकार, प्रतिपक्षलगायत सबैको साझा राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डा आज यही हो ।
सरकारमा रहेर होस् वा प्रतिपक्षमा रहेर नेपाली कांग्रेसको भूमिका यिनै राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डाप्रति समर्पित रहनर्ुपर्छ । संविधानसभाभित्रका सबै दलस“ग कांग्रेसले यिनै एजेन्डा कार्यान्वयनका लागि सहमति र सहकार्यलाई निरन्तरता दिनर्ुपर्छ । माओवादी नेतृत्वमा गठित सरकारले यिनै एजेन्डालाई प्राथमिकता दिएको छ कि छैन, त्यसको कार्यान्वयनका लागि इमानदार र ठोस नीति र कार्यक्रम प्रस्तुत गरेको छ कि छैन, त्यसबारे निरन्तर निगरानी गर्ने र आवश्यकताअनुसार गुण र दोषका आधारमा र्समर्थन, सहयोग वा चेतावनी तथा संर्घष्ा गर्ने भूमिकाका लागि कांग्रेस तयार रहनर्ुपर्छ ।
माओवादी मूल रूपमा उग्र वामपन्थी पार्टर्ीीो । र्सवसत्तावादी अधिनायकवादी प्रणालीका रूपमा विश्वविख्यात 'जनवादी गणतन्त्र' लाई आफ्नो उद्देश्य र कार्यक्रमबाट माओवादी पार्टर्ीी हटाएको छैन । उग्र वामपन्थ स्वयं पनि उग्र दक्षिणपन्थमा परिणत हुन्छ । उग्र वामपन्थी र उग्र दक्षिणपन्थी बेलाबखत सजिलै गरी सा“ठगा“ठ गर्ने गर्छन् । नेपालको राजनीतिमा विगतका दिनमा पनि र यतिबेला पनि यही प्रस्ट देखि“दै आएको छ । यस जटिल र तरल राजनीतिक परिस्थितिमा कांग्रेसको भूमिका अत्यन्त जिम्मेवार, सचेत र सुस्पष्ट हुनर्ुपर्छ । कांग्रेस लोकतन्त्रवादी, समाजवादी र मध्यमार्गी हो । शान्ति र अहिंसा, स्वतन्त्रता, समानता, भ्रातृत्व, जनताको सम्प्रभुता, अग्रगमन र परिवर्तनमा विश्वास गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । अधिनायकवाद, र्सवसत्तावादलगायत सबै किसिमको निरंकुशतावाद र तानाशाहीविरुद्ध संर्घष्ा गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । राज्यको अग्रगमनकारी पुनः संरचनाका लागि संघीय गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य संरचना र बहुदलीय लोकतान्त्रिक शासन प्रणालीको निर्माणका लागि संविधानसभाभित्र वा संविधानसभा बाहिर हाम्रो पार्टर्ीी विभिन्न राजनीतिक दल र लोकतान्त्रिक शक्ति र अग्रगमन परिवर्तनका पक्षधरस“ग सहकार्य, संर्घष्ा र रूपान्तरणका विविध अन्तरसम्बन्ध निर्धारण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
संविधानसभाभित्रको भूमिकालाई सशक्त रूपमा प्रस्तुत गर्न तत्काल तयारी गर्न आवश्यक छ । यहा“ पनि दर्ुइ किसिमको भूमिका छ- संविधान निर्माण गर्ने विषयका लागि संविधानसभाको भूमिका । सरकार सञ्चालन र संसदीय कार्यका लागि व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को हैसियतको भूमिका । यी दुवै भूमिकाका लागि सभासद्हरू सचेत र सक्रिय रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुनर्ुपर्छ । संसदीय दलको विधान संशोधन र संसदीय दलको नेता, कार्यसमिति एवं पदाधिकारीको विधिवत् चयन तत्काल गर्नुपर्छ । व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को बैठक यही भाद्र २० गतेका लागि राष्ट्रपतिद्वारा आह्वान भइसकेको छ । बैठक प्रारम्भ हुनुअघि संसदीय दलको विधान स्वीकृत भई लागू हुनर्ुपर्छ र नेता तथा पदाधिकारीको तत्काल व्यवस्था हुनर्ुपर्छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे आफ्नै संरचनाभित्र पनि एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनलाई सुदृढ पार्दै प्रभावकारी रूपले क्रियाशील बनाउन तत्काल आवश्यक कदम चाल्नर्ुपर्छ । पार्टर्ीीे एकीकरणका सभापति गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला र नेता शेरबहादुर देउवाद्वारा हस्ताक्षरित घोषणापत्रलाई महासमितिको निर्ण्र्ाानुसार पार्टर्ीीवधानको अंगकै रूपमा व्यवस्था गरिएको छ । त्यसका बु“दाहरू केही कार्यान्वयन भएका छन् । धेरै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा बु“दा कार्यान्वयन हुन बा“की छन् । पार्टर्ीीे केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिमा १५ जना मनोनयन गर्न बा“की सदस्यको मनोनयन पूरा गर्नुपर्ने छ । २७ सदस्यीय केन्द्रीय कार्य सम्पादन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । २१ वटा विभागको विभागीय प्रमुखको मनोनयन र त्यसका लागि सदस्यसमेतको गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ ।
त्यस्तै जिल्ला, क्षेत्रीय, गाउ“, नगर समितिहरूको संगठनात्मक संरचना सम्बन्धमा गर्नुपर्ने बा“की काम गर्न लगाउनर्ुपर्छ । िक्रयाशील सदस्यहरू सूचीलाई एकीकृत गर्नुपर्छ । -यसका लागि दुवै मुख्य सचिवलाई जिम्मा लगाइसकिएको छ ।) अनुशासन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । उजुरीमाथि छानबिन र निर्ण्र्ाागर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । विधान परिमार्जन गर्न विधान समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । पार्टर्ीीे विधान परिमार्जन गर्दा संघीय संरचनातिर उन्मुख अवधारणा र स्वरूपलाई ध्यानमा राख्नु उपयुक्त हुन्छ ।
संरचना तत्काल गठन सक्रिय भएमा प्रथमतः एकीकरणले पर्ूण्ाता पाई संगठनका गतिविधि अगाडि बढ्दै जाने छन् । यसका साथै केन्द्रबाट विभिन्न मितिमा एकीकरण लगायतका सम्बन्धमा आवश्यक निर्देशन सबै जिल्ला र निकायका मातहतमा पठाइएको छ । त्यसमध्ये आंशिक रूपमा लागू भएको तर धेरैजसो लागू हुन बा“की छन् । क्षेत्रीय सभापति, गाउ“ र नगर सभापतिहरूमा आलोपालो सभापतित्व गर्ने व्यवस्थाले समस्या छ । जिल्लाका सभापति र सहसभापतिबीच पनि समझदारी अभावले केही समस्या छ । यसका लागि केन्द्रको परिपत्र कार्यान्वयन गराउन र आवश्यक निर्ण्र्ाास्थलगत रूपमा लिने गरी केन्द्रबाट दर्ुइ दर्ुइजना प्रतिनिधि पठाउनुपर्ने आवश्यक देखिन्छ ।
त्यस्तै भ्रातृसंगठन एवं शुभेच्छुक संघसंगठनबारे एकीकरण पत्रको व्यवस्थाअनुसार र केन्द्रबाट पठाएको निर्देशनअनुसार कार्यान्वयन गराउन आवश्यक देखिन्छ । महिला संघ, आदिवासी जनजाति संघ, दलित संघ, भूपू सैनिक संघ, सांस्कृतिक संघ, ट्रेड युनियनमा एकीकरणका सर्न्दर्भमा केन्द्रीय तहमा खासै समस्या परेको देखि“दैन तर नेविसंघ, तरुण दल, किसान संघमा एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनको सक्रियता अभिवृद्धि गर्न पार्टर्ीीेन्द्रबाट थप समन्वय र निर्देशनको आवश्यकता छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे परिपत्रबारे प्रस्ट अर्थ नबुझी पनि केही समस्या परेको देखिन्छ । विभाग गठन भएमा सम्बन्धित विभागमार्फ सम्बन्धित भ्रातृ वा शुभेच्छुक संगठनको समन्वय र निर्देशनमा कार्य गर्न गराउन उपयुक्त एवं प्रभावकारी हुने छ । विभाग निर्माण गर्दा दलितहरूस“ग सम्बन्धित विभाग छुटेकाले आदिवासी जनजाति र दलित विभागका रूपमा नामकरण गर्न उपयुक्त हुन्छ । त्यस्तै मुसलमानका लागि पनि एउटा छुट्टै समन्वय समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायबीच पार्टर्ीीे दृष्टिकोण स्पष्ट पार्न आवश्यक छ । त्यस्तै जिल्लाबाट आएका उजुरीमाथि निर्ण्र्ाागरेर अनुशासन कायम गर्नु आवश्यक छ । विवाद मिलाउन आवश्यक छ । कानुनी समस्याका लागि कानुनी सेल आवश्यक छ । यी सबैका लागि सम्बन्धित विभाग, समिति वा सेलहरूको तत्काल गठन गरी पार्टर्ीीई सक्रिय
तुल्याइने छ ।
द्वन्द्वपीडितको समस्या हर्ेन पनि एउटा छुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त देखिन्छ । कार्यालयमा प्राप्त विवरणअनुसार माओवादीबाट कांग्रेसका मात्र ६०३ जनाको हत्या, ३०६ जनाको अंगभंग, १३७९ जनाको सम्पत्ति कब्जा गरी हालसम्म फिर्ता नगरिएको अवस्था छ । त्यस्तै २९८६ परिवार संख्या विस्थापित र १५७ जना अपहरण गरी बेपत्ता बनाएको अवस्था छ ।
नया“ संविधानको निर्माण र संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक संरचना निर्माणका लागि र्सवाधिक महत्त्वका साथ दुइटा छुट्टाछुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु अत्यावश्यक छ । एउटा संविधान मस्यौदा सुझाव समिति र अर्को संघीय संरचना मस्यौदा समिति । यी दुवैले छुट्टाछुट्टै रूपमा देशभरि छलफल, संवाद, अन्तरक्रिया, गोष्ठी आदिद्वारा बहस चलाई पार्टर्ीीे धारणा बनाउने र राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको निर्माण गर्ने कार्यमा योगदान पुर्याउनुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
यही भदौ १६ गते पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन भएको ३ वर्षपुग्दै छ । तर्सथ पार्टर्ीीे म्याद थप्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । यसका लागि पनि तत्काल निर्ण्र्ाालिनु उपयुक्त हुने छ । विगतका बैठकमा केन्द्रीय सदस्यबाट पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन वा महासमिति बोलाउनुपर्ने विचार आएका छन् । एकीकरण भएपछि संगठनलाई सुसंगठित स्वरूप दिन उपयुक्त विचार हो । महाधिवेशन गर्न यसपर्ूव सबै तयारी गर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । जस्तैः एकीकरणपछि सात सातजना गरी चौध महाधिवेशन प्रतिनिधि रहेका छन् । पहिले महाधिवेशन हु“दाका २०५ निर्वाचन क्षेत्र थिए, अहिले बढेर २४० भएका छन् । त्यसलाई पनि विधिवत् नया“ ढंगले व्यवस्थित गरी प्रतिनिधि चयन गर्नुपर्छ । यी विषयसमेत पार्टर्ीीे संरचनालाई समावेशी बनाउन पनि विधान संशोधन आवश्यक छ ।
क्रियाशील सदस्यको अभिलेखलाई एकीकृत गरी गाउ“ तहबाट अधिवेशन प्रारम्भ गरेर क्षेत्र र जिल्लाहरू समेतको अधिवेशन सम्पन्न गरी राष्ट्रिय महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न गर्नु विधिसम्मत हुन्छ । यी सबै कार्य चरणबद्ध गर्न पनि यथाशीघ्र एकीकरणस“ग सम्बन्धित बा“की रहेका विषय कार्यान्वयन गरी पर्ूण्ाता दिनु आवश्यक देखिन्छ । एकीकरणको घोषणापत्रमा रहेका बु“दा र केन्द्रका नीतिनिर्देशन तत्काल कार्यान्वयन गर्न सबैको ध्यान जानु आवश्यक छ । यसका साथै आश्विनको पहिलो सप्ताहमा देशभरका सभापति र सहसभापतिहरूको ३/४ दिनको सम्मेलनको काठमाडौंमा आयोजना गरेर संगठन एकीकरण र सुदृढीकरण अभियान थाल्नु र्सवाधिक उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
-भदौ ९ गतेदेखि जारी नेपाली कांग्रेस केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिको बैठकमा महामन्त्री निधिद्वारा प्रस्तुत राजनीतिक प्रतिवेदनको अंश)
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:33:18
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158843
संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रसहितको संविधान निर्माण गर्ने, शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई लक्ष्यमा पुर्याउनेे, भएका सहमति र सम्झौताहरूको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने, कानुन व्यवस्था कायम राख्ने र दैनिक जीवनको आवश्यकता पर्ूर्ति गर्ने, संविधानसभा, सरकार, प्रतिपक्षलगायत सबैको साझा राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डा आज यही हो ।
सरकारमा रहेर होस् वा प्रतिपक्षमा रहेर नेपाली कांग्रेसको भूमिका यिनै राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डाप्रति समर्पित रहनर्ुपर्छ । संविधानसभाभित्रका सबै दलस“ग कांग्रेसले यिनै एजेन्डा कार्यान्वयनका लागि सहमति र सहकार्यलाई निरन्तरता दिनर्ुपर्छ । माओवादी नेतृत्वमा गठित सरकारले यिनै एजेन्डालाई प्राथमिकता दिएको छ कि छैन, त्यसको कार्यान्वयनका लागि इमानदार र ठोस नीति र कार्यक्रम प्रस्तुत गरेको छ कि छैन, त्यसबारे निरन्तर निगरानी गर्ने र आवश्यकताअनुसार गुण र दोषका आधारमा र्समर्थन, सहयोग वा चेतावनी तथा संर्घष्ा गर्ने भूमिकाका लागि कांग्रेस तयार रहनर्ुपर्छ ।
माओवादी मूल रूपमा उग्र वामपन्थी पार्टर्ीीो । र्सवसत्तावादी अधिनायकवादी प्रणालीका रूपमा विश्वविख्यात 'जनवादी गणतन्त्र' लाई आफ्नो उद्देश्य र कार्यक्रमबाट माओवादी पार्टर्ीी हटाएको छैन । उग्र वामपन्थ स्वयं पनि उग्र दक्षिणपन्थमा परिणत हुन्छ । उग्र वामपन्थी र उग्र दक्षिणपन्थी बेलाबखत सजिलै गरी सा“ठगा“ठ गर्ने गर्छन् । नेपालको राजनीतिमा विगतका दिनमा पनि र यतिबेला पनि यही प्रस्ट देखि“दै आएको छ । यस जटिल र तरल राजनीतिक परिस्थितिमा कांग्रेसको भूमिका अत्यन्त जिम्मेवार, सचेत र सुस्पष्ट हुनर्ुपर्छ । कांग्रेस लोकतन्त्रवादी, समाजवादी र मध्यमार्गी हो । शान्ति र अहिंसा, स्वतन्त्रता, समानता, भ्रातृत्व, जनताको सम्प्रभुता, अग्रगमन र परिवर्तनमा विश्वास गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । अधिनायकवाद, र्सवसत्तावादलगायत सबै किसिमको निरंकुशतावाद र तानाशाहीविरुद्ध संर्घष्ा गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । राज्यको अग्रगमनकारी पुनः संरचनाका लागि संघीय गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य संरचना र बहुदलीय लोकतान्त्रिक शासन प्रणालीको निर्माणका लागि संविधानसभाभित्र वा संविधानसभा बाहिर हाम्रो पार्टर्ीी विभिन्न राजनीतिक दल र लोकतान्त्रिक शक्ति र अग्रगमन परिवर्तनका पक्षधरस“ग सहकार्य, संर्घष्ा र रूपान्तरणका विविध अन्तरसम्बन्ध निर्धारण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
संविधानसभाभित्रको भूमिकालाई सशक्त रूपमा प्रस्तुत गर्न तत्काल तयारी गर्न आवश्यक छ । यहा“ पनि दर्ुइ किसिमको भूमिका छ- संविधान निर्माण गर्ने विषयका लागि संविधानसभाको भूमिका । सरकार सञ्चालन र संसदीय कार्यका लागि व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को हैसियतको भूमिका । यी दुवै भूमिकाका लागि सभासद्हरू सचेत र सक्रिय रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुनर्ुपर्छ । संसदीय दलको विधान संशोधन र संसदीय दलको नेता, कार्यसमिति एवं पदाधिकारीको विधिवत् चयन तत्काल गर्नुपर्छ । व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को बैठक यही भाद्र २० गतेका लागि राष्ट्रपतिद्वारा आह्वान भइसकेको छ । बैठक प्रारम्भ हुनुअघि संसदीय दलको विधान स्वीकृत भई लागू हुनर्ुपर्छ र नेता तथा पदाधिकारीको तत्काल व्यवस्था हुनर्ुपर्छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे आफ्नै संरचनाभित्र पनि एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनलाई सुदृढ पार्दै प्रभावकारी रूपले क्रियाशील बनाउन तत्काल आवश्यक कदम चाल्नर्ुपर्छ । पार्टर्ीीे एकीकरणका सभापति गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला र नेता शेरबहादुर देउवाद्वारा हस्ताक्षरित घोषणापत्रलाई महासमितिको निर्ण्र्ाानुसार पार्टर्ीीवधानको अंगकै रूपमा व्यवस्था गरिएको छ । त्यसका बु“दाहरू केही कार्यान्वयन भएका छन् । धेरै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा बु“दा कार्यान्वयन हुन बा“की छन् । पार्टर्ीीे केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिमा १५ जना मनोनयन गर्न बा“की सदस्यको मनोनयन पूरा गर्नुपर्ने छ । २७ सदस्यीय केन्द्रीय कार्य सम्पादन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । २१ वटा विभागको विभागीय प्रमुखको मनोनयन र त्यसका लागि सदस्यसमेतको गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ ।
त्यस्तै जिल्ला, क्षेत्रीय, गाउ“, नगर समितिहरूको संगठनात्मक संरचना सम्बन्धमा गर्नुपर्ने बा“की काम गर्न लगाउनर्ुपर्छ । िक्रयाशील सदस्यहरू सूचीलाई एकीकृत गर्नुपर्छ । -यसका लागि दुवै मुख्य सचिवलाई जिम्मा लगाइसकिएको छ ।) अनुशासन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । उजुरीमाथि छानबिन र निर्ण्र्ाागर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । विधान परिमार्जन गर्न विधान समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । पार्टर्ीीे विधान परिमार्जन गर्दा संघीय संरचनातिर उन्मुख अवधारणा र स्वरूपलाई ध्यानमा राख्नु उपयुक्त हुन्छ ।
संरचना तत्काल गठन सक्रिय भएमा प्रथमतः एकीकरणले पर्ूण्ाता पाई संगठनका गतिविधि अगाडि बढ्दै जाने छन् । यसका साथै केन्द्रबाट विभिन्न मितिमा एकीकरण लगायतका सम्बन्धमा आवश्यक निर्देशन सबै जिल्ला र निकायका मातहतमा पठाइएको छ । त्यसमध्ये आंशिक रूपमा लागू भएको तर धेरैजसो लागू हुन बा“की छन् । क्षेत्रीय सभापति, गाउ“ र नगर सभापतिहरूमा आलोपालो सभापतित्व गर्ने व्यवस्थाले समस्या छ । जिल्लाका सभापति र सहसभापतिबीच पनि समझदारी अभावले केही समस्या छ । यसका लागि केन्द्रको परिपत्र कार्यान्वयन गराउन र आवश्यक निर्ण्र्ाास्थलगत रूपमा लिने गरी केन्द्रबाट दर्ुइ दर्ुइजना प्रतिनिधि पठाउनुपर्ने आवश्यक देखिन्छ ।
त्यस्तै भ्रातृसंगठन एवं शुभेच्छुक संघसंगठनबारे एकीकरण पत्रको व्यवस्थाअनुसार र केन्द्रबाट पठाएको निर्देशनअनुसार कार्यान्वयन गराउन आवश्यक देखिन्छ । महिला संघ, आदिवासी जनजाति संघ, दलित संघ, भूपू सैनिक संघ, सांस्कृतिक संघ, ट्रेड युनियनमा एकीकरणका सर्न्दर्भमा केन्द्रीय तहमा खासै समस्या परेको देखि“दैन तर नेविसंघ, तरुण दल, किसान संघमा एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनको सक्रियता अभिवृद्धि गर्न पार्टर्ीीेन्द्रबाट थप समन्वय र निर्देशनको आवश्यकता छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे परिपत्रबारे प्रस्ट अर्थ नबुझी पनि केही समस्या परेको देखिन्छ । विभाग गठन भएमा सम्बन्धित विभागमार्फ सम्बन्धित भ्रातृ वा शुभेच्छुक संगठनको समन्वय र निर्देशनमा कार्य गर्न गराउन उपयुक्त एवं प्रभावकारी हुने छ । विभाग निर्माण गर्दा दलितहरूस“ग सम्बन्धित विभाग छुटेकाले आदिवासी जनजाति र दलित विभागका रूपमा नामकरण गर्न उपयुक्त हुन्छ । त्यस्तै मुसलमानका लागि पनि एउटा छुट्टै समन्वय समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायबीच पार्टर्ीीे दृष्टिकोण स्पष्ट पार्न आवश्यक छ । त्यस्तै जिल्लाबाट आएका उजुरीमाथि निर्ण्र्ाागरेर अनुशासन कायम गर्नु आवश्यक छ । विवाद मिलाउन आवश्यक छ । कानुनी समस्याका लागि कानुनी सेल आवश्यक छ । यी सबैका लागि सम्बन्धित विभाग, समिति वा सेलहरूको तत्काल गठन गरी पार्टर्ीीई सक्रिय
तुल्याइने छ ।
द्वन्द्वपीडितको समस्या हर्ेन पनि एउटा छुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त देखिन्छ । कार्यालयमा प्राप्त विवरणअनुसार माओवादीबाट कांग्रेसका मात्र ६०३ जनाको हत्या, ३०६ जनाको अंगभंग, १३७९ जनाको सम्पत्ति कब्जा गरी हालसम्म फिर्ता नगरिएको अवस्था छ । त्यस्तै २९८६ परिवार संख्या विस्थापित र १५७ जना अपहरण गरी बेपत्ता बनाएको अवस्था छ ।
नया“ संविधानको निर्माण र संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक संरचना निर्माणका लागि र्सवाधिक महत्त्वका साथ दुइटा छुट्टाछुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु अत्यावश्यक छ । एउटा संविधान मस्यौदा सुझाव समिति र अर्को संघीय संरचना मस्यौदा समिति । यी दुवैले छुट्टाछुट्टै रूपमा देशभरि छलफल, संवाद, अन्तरक्रिया, गोष्ठी आदिद्वारा बहस चलाई पार्टर्ीीे धारणा बनाउने र राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको निर्माण गर्ने कार्यमा योगदान पुर्याउनुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
यही भदौ १६ गते पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन भएको ३ वर्षपुग्दै छ । तर्सथ पार्टर्ीीे म्याद थप्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । यसका लागि पनि तत्काल निर्ण्र्ाालिनु उपयुक्त हुने छ । विगतका बैठकमा केन्द्रीय सदस्यबाट पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन वा महासमिति बोलाउनुपर्ने विचार आएका छन् । एकीकरण भएपछि संगठनलाई सुसंगठित स्वरूप दिन उपयुक्त विचार हो । महाधिवेशन गर्न यसपर्ूव सबै तयारी गर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । जस्तैः एकीकरणपछि सात सातजना गरी चौध महाधिवेशन प्रतिनिधि रहेका छन् । पहिले महाधिवेशन हु“दाका २०५ निर्वाचन क्षेत्र थिए, अहिले बढेर २४० भएका छन् । त्यसलाई पनि विधिवत् नया“ ढंगले व्यवस्थित गरी प्रतिनिधि चयन गर्नुपर्छ । यी विषयसमेत पार्टर्ीीे संरचनालाई समावेशी बनाउन पनि विधान संशोधन आवश्यक छ ।
क्रियाशील सदस्यको अभिलेखलाई एकीकृत गरी गाउ“ तहबाट अधिवेशन प्रारम्भ गरेर क्षेत्र र जिल्लाहरू समेतको अधिवेशन सम्पन्न गरी राष्ट्रिय महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न गर्नु विधिसम्मत हुन्छ । यी सबै कार्य चरणबद्ध गर्न पनि यथाशीघ्र एकीकरणस“ग सम्बन्धित बा“की रहेका विषय कार्यान्वयन गरी पर्ूण्ाता दिनु आवश्यक देखिन्छ । एकीकरणको घोषणापत्रमा रहेका बु“दा र केन्द्रका नीतिनिर्देशन तत्काल कार्यान्वयन गर्न सबैको ध्यान जानु आवश्यक छ । यसका साथै आश्विनको पहिलो सप्ताहमा देशभरका सभापति र सहसभापतिहरूको ३/४ दिनको सम्मेलनको काठमाडौंमा आयोजना गरेर संगठन एकीकरण र सुदृढीकरण अभियान थाल्नु र्सवाधिक उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
-भदौ ९ गतेदेखि जारी नेपाली कांग्रेस केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिको बैठकमा महामन्त्री निधिद्वारा प्रस्तुत राजनीतिक प्रतिवेदनको अंश)
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:33:18
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