The 94th BP Jayanti is being observed across the country and abroad on Monday. Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala (1914-1982), popularly known as “BP”, was the first democratically elected prime minister of the country. He is also one of the founder of the democratic movement in Nepal, BP, however, could not become the Prime Minister for more than 18 months despite a landslide victory for the Nepali Congress in 1959 elections.
King Mahendra staged a coup and overthrew his government. B.P. spent rest of his life in prison or exile. But, he was never tried of calling for the restoration of democracy in the country. He returned to the country from exile on 1976 with a policy of national reconciliation. But, he was arrested by the royal regime and put behind the bars.
BP had founded Nepali National Congress in 1947, which became the Nepali Congress in 1951. Koirala had led the armed revolution of 1951 to overthrow the more than century old Rana oligarchy. BP had passed away due to throat cancer on July 21, 1982 in Kathmandu. Around half a million people attended his funeral procession.
He was not only a charismatic political leader, he was also one of the well-versed and thoughtful writers of Nepalese literature. He has written a lot of short stories and novels, and some poems.
Now, when Nepal is in transition period, some thougt and ideas from BP Koirala may be the guideline sources of future . Here is the piece of Interview that can help to understand the then BP’s thought on monarchy and King.
Published in Weekly “Sunday” Calcutta, December 4, 1977
Even as the India Prime Minister, Mr. Morarji Desai, prepares to go to Nepal on December 9, political currents in that country have quickened. King Birendra a recently called a conference of all heads of Panchayats at which the Panchayat system, which governs Nepal, came in for some criticism. B. P. Koirala charismatic leader of the Nepali Congress, who was given a tearful send-off by JP in Patna has returned home to face trial and, if convicted, death. Four other leaders of different political Parties in Nepal recently issued a statement calling for Constitutional monarchy. SUNDAY examines the changes that seem inevitable. BHOLA CHATTERJEE interviewed B. P. KOIRALA just before he went back to Nepal.
BC: What is your assessment of the current political situation in Nepal?
BP : I think there is a wind of change in this part of the world. I have been emphasizing this fact. That a wind of change is also blowing there–I will not say a wind, but, breeze is blowing. The first indication of this came when the King released me on parole to go to the United States for treatment and took the chance that I may not return to Nepal. That is an indication of a small breeze of change that is blowing in our part of the world. Then there has been the release of some political prisoners in Nepal. That is also indicative of breeze of change that is blowing. I am returning in the expectation that my efforts at reconciliation will be successful. I do not think that the King, by releasing me on parole, has done so only on humanitarian grounds; it was a great political gesture also. I hope that after my return things will move towards greater political liberalization and a greater spirit of reconciliation. We feel that politics of confrontation will lead the country nowhere.
BC: The logic of the current political situation in Nepal suggests that there is little scope for politics of confrontation. What is your opinion?
BP: We returned to Nepal last year knowing full well that there were serious charges pending against us. We felt that new developments were likely to take place in South Asia. If we were to play a role, as Nepal ha to play a role, it must first of all be united as a nation. That is why we went there and placed ourselves at the disposal of the King. We took that risk in the interest of national reconciliation. I have to work for that objective. If Nepal has a future, if Nepal has a destiny, if Nepal has to prosper, if Nepal is not to remain only as a museum piece tucked away in the folds of Himalayas, then Nepal must first be united as nation. That unity can only be achieved through the development of democratic institutions in which the people have vested interests.
BC: You have been arraigned on charges some of which, if proved, carry the maximum penalty. Doesn’t that worry you?
BP: I have to keep faith with the King-I have told the King that I would come back and face trial. And then I have to keep faith with my people. There are large number of political prisoners who are facing similar charges. So I think my place is with them. I am once again placing myself at the disposal of the King. He can make use of me for the purpose of reconciliation. This is an opportunity and I am taking a personal risk. But when the stakes are so high, one should not be impeded by personal considerations. I have great faith in the future of our country. If the country has no future, then all the struggles that we have faced so long, all the sacrifices the people have made would have been in vain. But I have faith in my country, I believe that Nepal can play an effective role in this part of the world. This is the time when we have got to be united. I feel that the King is also conscious of the fact that Nepal has to play a role. If I get an opportunity to meet the King I will impress upon him that unity can be achieved through a democratic process by involving the people both in the formulation of policy and in its implementation. The people must be informed of the development processes, economic and political, and then alone Nepal would be on the move. I think at my age if I could achieve that it would be the last service that I can render to the nation.
BC: What were the considerations that influenced you in coming to the decision to go back to Nepal in December, 1976, much as you apprehended that you would be arrested?
BP: I had the feeling, an almost animal instinct, that things were developing very fast in south Asia. We thought that unless we were united as a nation we could not play an effective role in the new situation that was developing in South Asia. That is why we went back. Some people feel that because Mrs. Indira Gandhi made it difficult for us to live in India we went back to Nepal-that is a peripheral consideration. The main consideration was, and that was the statement I made on the eve of my return to Nepal, that we must strive for national unity because Nepal has to play a role in South Asia.
BC: What do you think could provide a basis for the resolution of Nepal’s political problems?
BP: I do not want to anticipate what the King would do. I am keeping this question to be discussed with the King, I can only say that I will try my level best to come to some understanding with the King. How, on what basis or what will be the modality of it, is not proper for me to discuss just at present.
BC: I think in the given context the institution of monarchy has a role to play in Nepal, whatever the system of polity might be. What is your opinion? And what role do yon visualize for yourself?
BP: About monarchy we are very clear-we want constitutional monarchy. Nepal has been a traditional monarchy, but there have been different phases of monarchy. At one time, there were two monarchs-one was living in Delhi, another was sitting on the throne. And for one hundred and four years the monarch was virtually a prisoner, an exalted prisoner. I was a prisoner in the ordinary prison and he was a prisoner in the palace. It is not enough to ask whether I want monarchy or not. You must be definite about what type of monarch you want.
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