http://www.nepalnews.com.np/contents/2007/englishweekly/spotlight/apr/apr20/interview.php
Sunil Kumar Bhandari
Nepali Congress Central Committee member SUNIL KUMAR BHANDARI, who claims to be a true follower of Congress leader B.P. Koirala, is a minority voice within the party. Bhandari – who hails from far western region- served six months of prison in Dhangadhi following King Gyanendra's action of February 1, 2005. His house in Dhangadhi was bombed by Maoists two years ago and recently his rice mill was locked up by them. Bhandari spoke with KESHAB POUDEL at his residence regarding current political situation. Excerpts:
As a central committee member of ruling party, how do you see the announcement of Elections Commission that the elections for Constituent Assembly could not be held at present context?
As a worker of democratic party, the announcement was shocking. In the last five years, we have not seen any election in the country and the postponement of CA elections will prolong the political instability. It is one of the sad news for me as people are again deprived of the right to exercise their rights to choose representatives.
How conducive was the current environment to hold free elections?
If my party asks me to contest the elections, I will definitely accept that challenge and contest the elections. If you ask me to decide on the basis of ground reality, I have to agree with the Election Commission. The law and order situation has not improved, extortion, intimidation continues as Maoists are still carrying guns threatening people. There are upsurge of Madhesis, Janjatis and Dalits. Without addressing these issues, we cannot hold the elections for CA. It shows that there was hardly any possibility of holding free, fair and credible elections.
What do you suggest now?
We have to improve law and order situation. We have to address the issues raised by various ethnic, regional and linguistic groups so that the situation can be made conducive to hold the elections.
Do you believe that the postponement of elections will end the democratic experiment?
I don't think so. Our experiences have already shown that all of us will be secure only in democracy. Whether leftists, rightists or monarchists, it is the democracy which safeguards their interests. Being a member of democratic party, I cannot justify postponement of elections.
What is the essence of Nepali Congress?
The essence of Nepali Congress is its faith in nationalism and liberal democracy as propounded by our leader B.P. Koirala. Historically, our party was established in an ideological basis of free and pluralistic society representing the democratic aspirations of people. One of the basic characters of Nepali Congress is to bring the change in society through the liberal and democratic ideals and nationalism. Even now Nepali Congress is trying to fulfill its historical role to restore the peace in the country by bringing rebel groups to the mainstream politics.
As you claim to be a follower of B.P. Koirala, do you justify the present stand of your party?
Of course, Congress seems to have deviated from its earlier position at present as it is playing different role than what it had played in the past when our party had visionary leader with far sighted views like B.P. Koirala who always took a decision looking at the future of the country. It is a fact that we don't have leader like him who can take decisions looking at the future.
As your leader B.P. Koirala said Nepali Congress will lose relevancy as soon as it gives up its stand on nationalism and democracy, how do you look at present when your party is harping too much on democracy sidelining nationalism?
As B.P. Koirala said Nepali Congress has to take responsibility of restoring democracy as well as safeguarding the national interest. He always emphasized that if Nepali Congress only talks of one responsibility, the party will be following the wrong track by being one sided. This is still valid for us to keep our identity intact. It is more or less true that Nepali Congress has failed to make balance between democracy and nationalism. We are spending too much time on only one responsibility of restoring democracy. Our party's priority of nationalism seems to have been sidelined. It is definite that our party will lose its relevancy if we are unable to maintain balance on these two factors. I am optimistic that our leader Girijababu will follow it. Nepali Congress has no option other than to follow the middle path.
How do you see your party? Is it a populist radical party?
Nepali Congress is not a radical or populist party. The present populist trend will not last long. If we follow the populist trend, our party will lose its identity. Nepali Congress is a liberal democratic party, which always follows the ground reality of the country.
At a time when almost all your top leaders are competing with populist slogans of communists, don't you think your party has also turned into a populist party?
At this juncture, when we are trying to give space to rebel Maoists, we have certain limitations. Frankly speaking, there is a realization in the party's rank and file whether our party is still a centrist party or there is certain deviation. Slowly and gradually, Nepali Congress workers are raising their voices from center to grass root level, party workers are debating whether we are taking right or wrong stand. As a mass based party, no leader can remain in power ignoring the voices of majority of people. In his recent book Raja, Rastriyata and Rajniti (King, Nationalism and Politics) B.P. Koirala has clearly stressed the importance of monarchy as well as democracy in the country. Nepali Congress can never win the race in populism as there are many communist and rightist factions to champion this.
Don't you think by defending B.P. Koirala's stand, you may lose privilege as a
central committee member?
I don't care about my post and position. I have spent almost all my youth championing the idea of liberal democracy and national reconciliation propounded by B.P. Koirala. Although he was put in prison for more than a decade by the King and some even demanded capital punishment against him, B.P. Koirala never criticized or condemned institution of monarchy. Whether he was in prison in Sundarijal or after returning from exile, B.P Koirala expressed his own strong belief that democracy and monarchy are supplementary and complimentary to each other. For B.P. Koirala the importance was the institution of monarchy but not the individual King.
Looking at King Gyanendra's actions of October 4, 2002 and 1 February 2005, even your party leadership are determined to establish your party as a republican one like other communists. How do you look at it?
No democrat can defend King Gyanendra's action to impose autocratic rule in the country. King Gyanendra's actions were anti-democratic and anti-people and his actions derailed the democratic process in the country. In a similar way, King Mahendra had also dismissed elected parliament and elected government in 1961 imposing autocratic rule in the country. B.P. Koirala never supported King Mahendra's action and condemned the move to dismiss the elected prime minister and parliament. At the same time he defended the institution of monarchy.
How do you see King Gyanendra's actions?
Of course, the actions of King Gyanendra worked against the wishes of people as he tried to establish the autocratic system replacing the popular democratic government. However, this is not a mistake of institution of monarchy. For the actions of individual King Gyanendra, I don't want to victimize the institution of monarchy- which still has utility. When I was put in prison in Dhangadhi for six months for my conviction on democracy by King Gyanendra, I was tempted to side with republican. I changed my stand when I read jail journal twice where B.P. Koirala stands for country's interest rather than be guided by personal anger and anguish. Despite atrocities committed against him by King Mahendra, he stood for monarchy looking for the country's interest and he did not take decision in haste.
How do you feel about the path your party is currently taking ?
We still can prove our relevancy again following the path shown by B.P. Koirala. Even prime minister and Nepali Congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala has been stressing for B.P. Koirala's national reconciliation. Of course, he himself claimed that he is not B.P. Koirala but as a brother of B.P. Koirala, Girijababu knows ethos of national reconciliation.
At a time when Girija Prasad Koirala is toeing his line with extremist leftists minimizing the traditional forces including monarchy, how can you say that G.P. Koirala is true follower of B.P. Koirala?
I firmly believe that Girija Prasad Koirala is the only living politician who knows the ethos of B.P. Koirala's national reconciliation. According to Girijababu, his recent actions are also a part of broader national reconciliation. As a politician, he might have some constraints and compulsions but Girijababu from his inner conviction is a follower of B. P.'s national reconciliation.
How can you justify his recent actions and utterances against country's traditional force like monarchy making alliance with the radical communists?
It is a fact that Girijababu is now leading communist-dominated coalition and some of his recent reported statements are directed against monarchy. I am not justifying the present alliance and Girijababu's statements. I don't know in which circumstances Girijababu issued those statements. However, we must give credit to Girijababu who has brought Maoists to the mainstream ending decade long violent insurgency.
Had B.P. Koirala ever defined that national reconciliation means the unity against the King?
I have told you that B.P.'s national reconciliation is not unity against any force. Actually, his national reconciliation policy was unity between modern democratic forces and traditional forces of monarchy. In broader sense, it is the unity among the nationalist forces against external power. It is very unfortunate to say that we don't have leader like B.P. Koirala who knows the strength of nation and capability to explain it to others. After returning from eight years long exile, B.P. firmly backed the reconciliation between modern and traditional forces strengthening Nepal 's independence.
Don't you think the series of events of last couple of years pushed your party closer to alliance with radical leftists?
Of course, as a democratic party, Nepali Congress has various kinds of people with heterogeneous interests. It seems now that the persons with leftist leaning are hijacking party's agenda but there is no safe way for us other than to follow the course set by B.P.
How do you see Nepal's current political situation?
It is very fluid now. Despite changes in the global power context, Nepal 's geo-strategic position has not changed as Nepal is still surrounded by two big powers of Asia. Nepal is still struggling to survive as an independent nation. As B.P. said in his recent book, every Nepalis have to work to show the strength of this country. We don't have leader like B.P. Koirala in this volatile political situation but we can stabilize society following the path shown by him. We will survive if we can retain our independence and sovereignty.
Thursday, December 20, 2007
Nepali Congress at Crossroads - Govinda Raj Joshi
(Source: Nepalnews)
Nepali Congress party now stands at crossroads. Its right decision can guarantee the stability and democratic process in Nepal and its wrong decision can bring about prolonged political instability and chaos For the Congress, Constituent Assembly (CA) is associated with its existence as it is the first political party, which had demanded the election of CA. The demand for CA has come as a consensus agenda following the signing of twelve point’s agreement. Under the agreement, CPN-Maoist also agreed to be a part of joint agitation against the autocratic rule of the monarch. Thus, the mandate of April uprising was to end the autocratic rule of the King, reinstate the House of Representatives, ink peace agreement with the Maoists, form interim government and hold the CA poll. Although the dates for the elections were fixed twice in the past, they were postponed at the last minutes.
After the dismissal of elected government in October 4, 2002 and taking up of executive power by King Gyanendra, Nepali Congress launched a nationwide agitation with a demand to reinstate the dissolved House of Representatives and activate the Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990.
Other parties also joined the agitation against the direct rule of the King. With the imposition of direct rule by the King in February 1, 2005, seven political parties had no option other than to launch a joint agitation against the autocratic step of the King. Maoists, too, joined the agitation of seven parties to end autocratic rule of the King. The agitation was called off following the reinstatement of the House of Representatives by the King as per demand of seven parties. Maoists, however, put psychological pressure on the seven party alliance to choose between them and the King after the reinstatement of the House. This was the first step with which seven parties were trapped in the Maoists’ strategy. As political parties were trapped in the Maoist agenda, the mandate of the uprising was gradually overlooked. The parties are now interested to woo the Maoists rather than prepare a ground work to hold the elections at the earliest, which was one of the key demands of the uprising.
In the last one year, seven parties have committed many mistakes, one after another, under Maoist pressure. Instead of working to hold the elections for CA, parties diverted their focus towards non-political agenda. The 14-point proclamation of House of Representatives - which made many articles of then Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990 null and void – pushed the country towards an uncertain phase by destroying democratic norms and values as well as institutions. Under this proclamation, interim constitution 2007 was promulgated. The dissolution of the reinstated House of Representatives further created confusion and overshadowed the CA polls. The termination of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990 was another political blunder committed by political leadership, which pushed the country into the course of prolonged political instability. It is unfortunate to say that nowhere in the democratic world does parliamentary proclamation supersede the constitution but we saw this in our country. Had the CA polls act been formulated immediately after the reinstatement of the parliament, CA polls would have been held in October, 2006 and the present crisis would have been averted.
From twelve point agreement to Comprehensive Peace Accord, different agreements were signed between the government and the Maoists but none of the agreements were respected by the latter. The criminal case against the Maoist leaders and cadres were withdrawn but the people who were displaced by Maoists have yet to return to their homes and get back their properties. While two billion rupees were given to the Maoists to look after their cadres, the displaced persons got nothing. Government ignored the Maoist victims. It even stopped the scholarship given to the martyrs' (people killed by Maoists) children.
One of our mistakes was that we signed twelve points agreement with the Maoists without proper discussions and home work in the party. Seven party alliance blindly welcomed the Maoists hoping that their entry into mainstream politics will end the twelve years long bloody conflict and give relief to the people. However, Maoists have not changed their actions as they have shown that their ultimate aim is to grab state power. By forcing the postponement of the elections for CA, Maoists showed that they don't have any faith and commitment in the election. Despite joining the political mainstream, Maoists continue to engage in terror, abduction and extortion. Maoists, who claim to have 30,000 army, had handed over 3,400 weapons to the United Nations.
Contradictory to our expectation, Maoists pulled out from the government after Nepali Congress agreed to go for republic. The CA elections were postponed even though we changed our party's ideology. Furthermore, Prachanda is now calling for the unity with "royalist nationalists." Maoists have proved once again that autocratic power is dearer to them than democratic Congress. Even acting president of Nepali Congress Sushil Koirala revealed that the Congress was trapped in Maoists’ political strategy and was forced to proclaim republic under their pressure. Another vice president of Congress Ram Chandra Poudel, too, has blamed Maoists for forcing Congress to go republic.
In the last one and a half year, the law and order situation has deteriorated. There is a virtual anarchy in the country though the main responsibility of the government is to give security to the people and guard the border of the state. The interim government has proved to be very weak in maintaining internal security. Home ministry failed to contain the activities of Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL). The public felt that law is in the hand of Maoists and their cadres are above the law. As home minister was the coordinator of the talk team whose duty was to negotiate with Maoists, appointing the same person with dual responsibility was the reason behind the present situation but it was never seriously discussed. With a hope to restore long lasting peace by bringing Maoists to the mainstream, we have even betrayed our founding leader BP Koirala's ideology of national reconciliation by tilting too much towards extremist communists. We have now realized that why BP always stood against the alliance with communists. In his long political career, BP always held the view that that there is no important matter than the protection of motherland and he always asked party workers to take the soil of country in their hands whenever they faced any dilemma in taking decision on national interest.
We undermined that by signing the twelve point agreements with Maoists in foreign soil. BP never tried to convert communists into democrats. We forgot the 30 years long intimacy of communists with Panchayat and the twelve years long instability caused by activities of Maoists. This turned out to be a big mistake. According to BP, our society has major influence of aristocratic families. This traditional force, with which we share commonalities of interest, need to be converted into democrats. But we didn't make any effort towards that. We condemned them as regressive, reactionary and anti-democratic elements. We have lost our support base on those elements after aligning too much with radical communists. As our party undermined this powerful traditional force, the situation is now such that neither our party could penetrate into communist vote bank nor could we retain our traditional support base. Our party has lost its political base.
After committing the ideological blunder, our party is making another major mistake by agreeing to integrate Maoist cadres into national army. According to Article 146 of interim constitution, a special committee will be formed by the cabinet to look after People's Liberation Army (PLA) and for its re-establishment. It is mentioned that the committee will be under the cabinet and will act according to the cabinet decision. From twelve point agreement to Comprehensive Peace Accord, there is no agenda for integration of PLA into Nepal Army. Can a particular political party’s cadres be integrated into national army? What would be its result? Is there any example in the world where ideologically indoctrinated army is integrated into national army? The rest of the six parties have to take this point seriously. The Maoist cadres without weapon cannot be called army. As they handed over just 3,400 weapons to UNMIN, how can one justify the existence of 30,000 plus army? Here also Maoist have demonstrated their tactics by pushing for integrating PLA into Nepal Army - they want to capture the state power. This fact is not realized by the leaders in the government.
On issues of republic and proportional representative system, the Mahasamiti (General Convention)of Nepali Congress has already decided that interim parliament cannot proclaim republic. It has also endorsed mixed electoral system. Our party stand is that proclamation of republic without the mandate of people is against the democratic practice. On the other hand, accepting fully proportional representation system will violate the fundamental right of people to fight in an election.
My opinion is that the alliance of communists has already proved harmful for NC. If congress gives up its principles and values, it will lose its existence. So, Congress has to stick to it democratic values and principles.
When we have been busy all the time tackling the Maoists, we have undermined many other problems. Madhesi issue is one of the major ones. Of course, there are some genuine grievances of Madhesis, which Nepali Congress needs to address. Maoist leader Prachanda's statement in Janakpur and senior cabinet minister Ram Chandra Poudel's provocative statement in Nepalgunj are just two recent examples how they tried to ignore Madhesis. People from Madhes feel that the government and Nepali Congress have become pro-Maoists as the government oppressed Madhesi uprising in Lahan, Kapilvastu, and Nepalgunj. Even as the government is preoccupied with the Maoist agenda, we must realize that until and unless we solve the problems of Madhes, CA is impossible in coming April also. Following the resignation by the Madhesi leaders of major political parties, the problem of terai has not only become a security problem but also a political one. Seven parties have to address it politically. Failure of home ministry is that it decided to address it through security actions, which are inevitable to boomerang.
The political solution to the present stalemate is the holding of free and fair elections for the Constituent Assembly and drafting a new constitution. Leaders of the seven political parties are just caretakers and they cannot take major decisions on behalf of the people. As people are supreme in democratic process, they should be given the right to choose what forms of government and what kinds of political system they want. If present political deadlock is not resolved in time, it will become a threat to democracy, nationality, and sovereign rights of Nepalese.
Nepali Congress party now stands at crossroads. Its right decision can guarantee the stability and democratic process in Nepal and its wrong decision can bring about prolonged political instability and chaos For the Congress, Constituent Assembly (CA) is associated with its existence as it is the first political party, which had demanded the election of CA. The demand for CA has come as a consensus agenda following the signing of twelve point’s agreement. Under the agreement, CPN-Maoist also agreed to be a part of joint agitation against the autocratic rule of the monarch. Thus, the mandate of April uprising was to end the autocratic rule of the King, reinstate the House of Representatives, ink peace agreement with the Maoists, form interim government and hold the CA poll. Although the dates for the elections were fixed twice in the past, they were postponed at the last minutes.
After the dismissal of elected government in October 4, 2002 and taking up of executive power by King Gyanendra, Nepali Congress launched a nationwide agitation with a demand to reinstate the dissolved House of Representatives and activate the Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990.
Other parties also joined the agitation against the direct rule of the King. With the imposition of direct rule by the King in February 1, 2005, seven political parties had no option other than to launch a joint agitation against the autocratic step of the King. Maoists, too, joined the agitation of seven parties to end autocratic rule of the King. The agitation was called off following the reinstatement of the House of Representatives by the King as per demand of seven parties. Maoists, however, put psychological pressure on the seven party alliance to choose between them and the King after the reinstatement of the House. This was the first step with which seven parties were trapped in the Maoists’ strategy. As political parties were trapped in the Maoist agenda, the mandate of the uprising was gradually overlooked. The parties are now interested to woo the Maoists rather than prepare a ground work to hold the elections at the earliest, which was one of the key demands of the uprising.
In the last one year, seven parties have committed many mistakes, one after another, under Maoist pressure. Instead of working to hold the elections for CA, parties diverted their focus towards non-political agenda. The 14-point proclamation of House of Representatives - which made many articles of then Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990 null and void – pushed the country towards an uncertain phase by destroying democratic norms and values as well as institutions. Under this proclamation, interim constitution 2007 was promulgated. The dissolution of the reinstated House of Representatives further created confusion and overshadowed the CA polls. The termination of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990 was another political blunder committed by political leadership, which pushed the country into the course of prolonged political instability. It is unfortunate to say that nowhere in the democratic world does parliamentary proclamation supersede the constitution but we saw this in our country. Had the CA polls act been formulated immediately after the reinstatement of the parliament, CA polls would have been held in October, 2006 and the present crisis would have been averted.
From twelve point agreement to Comprehensive Peace Accord, different agreements were signed between the government and the Maoists but none of the agreements were respected by the latter. The criminal case against the Maoist leaders and cadres were withdrawn but the people who were displaced by Maoists have yet to return to their homes and get back their properties. While two billion rupees were given to the Maoists to look after their cadres, the displaced persons got nothing. Government ignored the Maoist victims. It even stopped the scholarship given to the martyrs' (people killed by Maoists) children.
One of our mistakes was that we signed twelve points agreement with the Maoists without proper discussions and home work in the party. Seven party alliance blindly welcomed the Maoists hoping that their entry into mainstream politics will end the twelve years long bloody conflict and give relief to the people. However, Maoists have not changed their actions as they have shown that their ultimate aim is to grab state power. By forcing the postponement of the elections for CA, Maoists showed that they don't have any faith and commitment in the election. Despite joining the political mainstream, Maoists continue to engage in terror, abduction and extortion. Maoists, who claim to have 30,000 army, had handed over 3,400 weapons to the United Nations.
Contradictory to our expectation, Maoists pulled out from the government after Nepali Congress agreed to go for republic. The CA elections were postponed even though we changed our party's ideology. Furthermore, Prachanda is now calling for the unity with "royalist nationalists." Maoists have proved once again that autocratic power is dearer to them than democratic Congress. Even acting president of Nepali Congress Sushil Koirala revealed that the Congress was trapped in Maoists’ political strategy and was forced to proclaim republic under their pressure. Another vice president of Congress Ram Chandra Poudel, too, has blamed Maoists for forcing Congress to go republic.
In the last one and a half year, the law and order situation has deteriorated. There is a virtual anarchy in the country though the main responsibility of the government is to give security to the people and guard the border of the state. The interim government has proved to be very weak in maintaining internal security. Home ministry failed to contain the activities of Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL). The public felt that law is in the hand of Maoists and their cadres are above the law. As home minister was the coordinator of the talk team whose duty was to negotiate with Maoists, appointing the same person with dual responsibility was the reason behind the present situation but it was never seriously discussed. With a hope to restore long lasting peace by bringing Maoists to the mainstream, we have even betrayed our founding leader BP Koirala's ideology of national reconciliation by tilting too much towards extremist communists. We have now realized that why BP always stood against the alliance with communists. In his long political career, BP always held the view that that there is no important matter than the protection of motherland and he always asked party workers to take the soil of country in their hands whenever they faced any dilemma in taking decision on national interest.
We undermined that by signing the twelve point agreements with Maoists in foreign soil. BP never tried to convert communists into democrats. We forgot the 30 years long intimacy of communists with Panchayat and the twelve years long instability caused by activities of Maoists. This turned out to be a big mistake. According to BP, our society has major influence of aristocratic families. This traditional force, with which we share commonalities of interest, need to be converted into democrats. But we didn't make any effort towards that. We condemned them as regressive, reactionary and anti-democratic elements. We have lost our support base on those elements after aligning too much with radical communists. As our party undermined this powerful traditional force, the situation is now such that neither our party could penetrate into communist vote bank nor could we retain our traditional support base. Our party has lost its political base.
After committing the ideological blunder, our party is making another major mistake by agreeing to integrate Maoist cadres into national army. According to Article 146 of interim constitution, a special committee will be formed by the cabinet to look after People's Liberation Army (PLA) and for its re-establishment. It is mentioned that the committee will be under the cabinet and will act according to the cabinet decision. From twelve point agreement to Comprehensive Peace Accord, there is no agenda for integration of PLA into Nepal Army. Can a particular political party’s cadres be integrated into national army? What would be its result? Is there any example in the world where ideologically indoctrinated army is integrated into national army? The rest of the six parties have to take this point seriously. The Maoist cadres without weapon cannot be called army. As they handed over just 3,400 weapons to UNMIN, how can one justify the existence of 30,000 plus army? Here also Maoist have demonstrated their tactics by pushing for integrating PLA into Nepal Army - they want to capture the state power. This fact is not realized by the leaders in the government.
On issues of republic and proportional representative system, the Mahasamiti (General Convention)of Nepali Congress has already decided that interim parliament cannot proclaim republic. It has also endorsed mixed electoral system. Our party stand is that proclamation of republic without the mandate of people is against the democratic practice. On the other hand, accepting fully proportional representation system will violate the fundamental right of people to fight in an election.
My opinion is that the alliance of communists has already proved harmful for NC. If congress gives up its principles and values, it will lose its existence. So, Congress has to stick to it democratic values and principles.
When we have been busy all the time tackling the Maoists, we have undermined many other problems. Madhesi issue is one of the major ones. Of course, there are some genuine grievances of Madhesis, which Nepali Congress needs to address. Maoist leader Prachanda's statement in Janakpur and senior cabinet minister Ram Chandra Poudel's provocative statement in Nepalgunj are just two recent examples how they tried to ignore Madhesis. People from Madhes feel that the government and Nepali Congress have become pro-Maoists as the government oppressed Madhesi uprising in Lahan, Kapilvastu, and Nepalgunj. Even as the government is preoccupied with the Maoist agenda, we must realize that until and unless we solve the problems of Madhes, CA is impossible in coming April also. Following the resignation by the Madhesi leaders of major political parties, the problem of terai has not only become a security problem but also a political one. Seven parties have to address it politically. Failure of home ministry is that it decided to address it through security actions, which are inevitable to boomerang.
The political solution to the present stalemate is the holding of free and fair elections for the Constituent Assembly and drafting a new constitution. Leaders of the seven political parties are just caretakers and they cannot take major decisions on behalf of the people. As people are supreme in democratic process, they should be given the right to choose what forms of government and what kinds of political system they want. If present political deadlock is not resolved in time, it will become a threat to democracy, nationality, and sovereign rights of Nepalese.
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