TGW - Nepal’s Ex-Monarch Gyanendra Shah who all of a sudden has been hitting the media headlines in Nepal has decided finally to move out of the Nagarjun Palace.
The Nagarjun Palace is situated some eight kilometers North-West of Kathmandu.
The Janaastha Weekly dated September 10, 2008 reports that ex-King will move to his original residence Nirmal Niwas, which he decided to do so after the formation of the Maoists’ led government.
The newly formed Maoists’ led government had recently said that the Nagarjun Palace was given to the ex-monarch on a temporary basis.
“Currently the Nirmal Nivas is undergoing renovations” adds Janaaastha.
The ex-King who almost three weeks back met with the Indian ambassador to Nepal Rakesh Sood and later reportedly met with the Prime Minister of Nepal Pushpa Kamal Dahal is on high demand from the Nepali Congress quarters as well.
A frustrated ex-Prime Minister Koirala who has concluded that he was cheated by the Maoists leadership time and again and that is why he has been, say sources, is in close contact with the former King.
Koirala concludes that the ex-king was still a force and could be counted to challenge the Maoists totalitarian attitude.
Interestingly, only a week back say media reports PM Dahal had a secret meeting with the ex-Monarch, where in the two decided to work in tandem to form a patriotic front.
PM Dahal perhaps also needs the ex-king’s substantial support to face the Koirala challenge.
Analysts remain puzzled as to how come so soon a defunct monarch would be a chum of both the liberals and the radicals?
The side King Gyanendra prefers to take will definitely be weightier than the other, if he really is a formidable force to reckon with?
However, staunch royalist suggest the King not to get carried away by the two opposing ideologies because it were the adherents of these two philosophies which dismantled the two hundred forty yeas long history of Nepali monarchy.
2008-09-10 10:23:45
Friday, September 12, 2008
Problems facing Constituent Assembly
By DR KHAGENDRA N SHARMA
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=160296
It has been four months since the Constituent Assembly (CA) was formally announced. But not a single word of the constitution has been written yet. It is true that the country was declared a republic in the first session of the CA, but it was just a formalization of a decision already made by the Interim Legislative-Parliament. So, the CA cannot claim the credit for the termination of the monarchy. The CA has created the posts of president and vice-president of the republic, but it is still an interim arrangement and the powers and functions of these posts will have to be redefined in the context of the new constitution. Thus, the whole function of writing a new constitution remains unattended.
There are two different types of problems facing the CA and both of them are of a serious nature. The first problem consists of the processual aspects of the constitution making -- the how part of it. It is reported that some rules have been finalized regarding the processual aspects like forming different committees through which the ideas will filter culminating in the provisions of the constitution. Much time will be needed to pass through all the committees. Apart from that, ample field work will have to be done to ascertain and analyze the views of the people at the grassroots. These ideas will have to be articulated thoroughly in the CA and placed in the hands of skilful constitutional experts to convert into appropriate provisions of the constitution.
The CA has been too large and unwieldy a body to articulate issues effectively and make decisions collectively. This aside, the CA has also to function as the Legislative-Parliament. It is a pity that the legislative part will consume a significant portion of the two years time in which the constitution has to be completed. So, the CA will have only a small part of the allotted time.
Given the fractured coalition, there will be numerous differences of thoughts among the parties, both within and without the coalition partners. The incongruous make-up of the fractured coalition will be naturally reflected in the CA. The decisions are expected to be unanimous in an ideal situation, but it is very unlikely in the present situation, given the protracted bargaining in the whole political process. So, decisions are expected to be made, if at all, simply by the required two-thirds majority.
The second problem is substantive, subject-matter questions pertaining to the various aspects of the body of the proposed constitution. These problems are so serious that it is inconceivable that the constitution can be made in the limited given time. The most problematic and difficult issues are those regarding the restructuring of the state. It has been promised that Nepal will be a federal state. Sentimentally, it is a fine promise, but there is no uniform concept of the federation. Before and during the CA election, all the parties talked of the federal structure for future Nepal, but no party except the CPN (Maoist) had even a vague concept of the proposed federation. The Maoists had proposed a distinct federal structure, but it has raised more questions than probable answers and it will be difficult to sell the concept to all the parties for the following reasons.
The Maoists had raised a general awakening among the masses for the concept of the federation during the decade-long conflict, but the concept was understood, articulated and popularized by different communities very differently during the interim period leading to the CA election.
In most of the cases, there has been ethnic orientation, but language had also played a big part in sensitizing the people. If these two criteria are accepted as the basis of federalizing the state, then there will be more than a hundred units to be federated. That will be simply unimaginable. Then there is the bigger criterion of space or geographical divisions. But geography does not go by homogenous ethnicity, linguistics or cultural factors.
The tarai movement has strongly voiced the concept of one Madhes. It has raised several potentially dangerous issues. If the topography of the country is to be taken as the criterion of breaking the state, there will be three major types -- the flat plains, the high mountains and the moderate hills in the middle. Taking cue from the Madhes call, the communities in the high mountains have already started to make claims for a mountainous state all along the north. The mid-hills have not yet raised such a demand but given the logic, it is in the pipeline. Thus, physically there will be three units to be federated. But this logic will negate the other more applicable criteria of ethnicity and linguistics.
Ethnically, too, there have been various claims, with the Limbuwan claim being the loudest. It has even started to have a parallel government in the east. In the name of ethnicity, it has overstepped into another ethnic jurisdiction in the south.
Similarly, the call for one Madhes oversteps several ethnic communities with distinctly different cultural, linguistic and other forms of identities inside the flat tarai itself. One basic flaw of the ethnic or linguistic logic is that several communities have no specific territorial base and are spread throughout the country. The basic flaw of the geographic logic is that it ignores the other vital social criteria of ethnicity, linguistics and cultural identity.
If the issue of an acceptable federal structure is arrived at, there will be several issues of distribution of power and resources. Too much of power in the centre will be resented by the units and too much of power in the units will result either in a weak nation state or it may lead to tendencies in the units to secede from the nation state. Making adequate safeguards will require great national perseverance before the constitution is finalized.
Another major issue to be resolved in the new constitution is the question of fair representation. There are over a hundred different communities -- large or small in size -- but with distinct identity all the same. All will have to be satisfactorily accommodated. This issue is different from the ethnic or geographic issue: it refers to issues of gender, minority, marginalized groups, under-representation and so on. These issues have been voiced very vociferously, without arriving at a suitable solution during the interim period.
Apart from the division between the units and the central state, there are serious issues regarding the form of government: whether Nepal should adopt a parliamentary or presidential form of government both at the central and at the unit levels. If it prefers to have the parliamentary form, should the parliament retain control over the executive or should the PM have the power to dissolve the parliament and hold fresh election as in the past? If Nepal should have a presidential form of government, how will the president remain accountable to the parliament?
The above is not an exhaustive list of serious issues, but the purpose of this writer is to indicate how serious is the work ahead. From the way the CA has been moving, one can suspect that a wholesome product of a constitution can be accomplished in the given timeframe of two years out of which more than four months have already elapsed without framing a single article of the constitution.
Time is an important factor, but even more important factor is the seriousness in the leadership of the big parties which are still struggling to establish supremacy over each other. If this wrangling is not stopped, the sovereign people may again give a clarion call for another political uprising.
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=160296
It has been four months since the Constituent Assembly (CA) was formally announced. But not a single word of the constitution has been written yet. It is true that the country was declared a republic in the first session of the CA, but it was just a formalization of a decision already made by the Interim Legislative-Parliament. So, the CA cannot claim the credit for the termination of the monarchy. The CA has created the posts of president and vice-president of the republic, but it is still an interim arrangement and the powers and functions of these posts will have to be redefined in the context of the new constitution. Thus, the whole function of writing a new constitution remains unattended.
There are two different types of problems facing the CA and both of them are of a serious nature. The first problem consists of the processual aspects of the constitution making -- the how part of it. It is reported that some rules have been finalized regarding the processual aspects like forming different committees through which the ideas will filter culminating in the provisions of the constitution. Much time will be needed to pass through all the committees. Apart from that, ample field work will have to be done to ascertain and analyze the views of the people at the grassroots. These ideas will have to be articulated thoroughly in the CA and placed in the hands of skilful constitutional experts to convert into appropriate provisions of the constitution.
The CA has been too large and unwieldy a body to articulate issues effectively and make decisions collectively. This aside, the CA has also to function as the Legislative-Parliament. It is a pity that the legislative part will consume a significant portion of the two years time in which the constitution has to be completed. So, the CA will have only a small part of the allotted time.
Given the fractured coalition, there will be numerous differences of thoughts among the parties, both within and without the coalition partners. The incongruous make-up of the fractured coalition will be naturally reflected in the CA. The decisions are expected to be unanimous in an ideal situation, but it is very unlikely in the present situation, given the protracted bargaining in the whole political process. So, decisions are expected to be made, if at all, simply by the required two-thirds majority.
The second problem is substantive, subject-matter questions pertaining to the various aspects of the body of the proposed constitution. These problems are so serious that it is inconceivable that the constitution can be made in the limited given time. The most problematic and difficult issues are those regarding the restructuring of the state. It has been promised that Nepal will be a federal state. Sentimentally, it is a fine promise, but there is no uniform concept of the federation. Before and during the CA election, all the parties talked of the federal structure for future Nepal, but no party except the CPN (Maoist) had even a vague concept of the proposed federation. The Maoists had proposed a distinct federal structure, but it has raised more questions than probable answers and it will be difficult to sell the concept to all the parties for the following reasons.
The Maoists had raised a general awakening among the masses for the concept of the federation during the decade-long conflict, but the concept was understood, articulated and popularized by different communities very differently during the interim period leading to the CA election.
In most of the cases, there has been ethnic orientation, but language had also played a big part in sensitizing the people. If these two criteria are accepted as the basis of federalizing the state, then there will be more than a hundred units to be federated. That will be simply unimaginable. Then there is the bigger criterion of space or geographical divisions. But geography does not go by homogenous ethnicity, linguistics or cultural factors.
The tarai movement has strongly voiced the concept of one Madhes. It has raised several potentially dangerous issues. If the topography of the country is to be taken as the criterion of breaking the state, there will be three major types -- the flat plains, the high mountains and the moderate hills in the middle. Taking cue from the Madhes call, the communities in the high mountains have already started to make claims for a mountainous state all along the north. The mid-hills have not yet raised such a demand but given the logic, it is in the pipeline. Thus, physically there will be three units to be federated. But this logic will negate the other more applicable criteria of ethnicity and linguistics.
Ethnically, too, there have been various claims, with the Limbuwan claim being the loudest. It has even started to have a parallel government in the east. In the name of ethnicity, it has overstepped into another ethnic jurisdiction in the south.
Similarly, the call for one Madhes oversteps several ethnic communities with distinctly different cultural, linguistic and other forms of identities inside the flat tarai itself. One basic flaw of the ethnic or linguistic logic is that several communities have no specific territorial base and are spread throughout the country. The basic flaw of the geographic logic is that it ignores the other vital social criteria of ethnicity, linguistics and cultural identity.
If the issue of an acceptable federal structure is arrived at, there will be several issues of distribution of power and resources. Too much of power in the centre will be resented by the units and too much of power in the units will result either in a weak nation state or it may lead to tendencies in the units to secede from the nation state. Making adequate safeguards will require great national perseverance before the constitution is finalized.
Another major issue to be resolved in the new constitution is the question of fair representation. There are over a hundred different communities -- large or small in size -- but with distinct identity all the same. All will have to be satisfactorily accommodated. This issue is different from the ethnic or geographic issue: it refers to issues of gender, minority, marginalized groups, under-representation and so on. These issues have been voiced very vociferously, without arriving at a suitable solution during the interim period.
Apart from the division between the units and the central state, there are serious issues regarding the form of government: whether Nepal should adopt a parliamentary or presidential form of government both at the central and at the unit levels. If it prefers to have the parliamentary form, should the parliament retain control over the executive or should the PM have the power to dissolve the parliament and hold fresh election as in the past? If Nepal should have a presidential form of government, how will the president remain accountable to the parliament?
The above is not an exhaustive list of serious issues, but the purpose of this writer is to indicate how serious is the work ahead. From the way the CA has been moving, one can suspect that a wholesome product of a constitution can be accomplished in the given timeframe of two years out of which more than four months have already elapsed without framing a single article of the constitution.
Time is an important factor, but even more important factor is the seriousness in the leadership of the big parties which are still struggling to establish supremacy over each other. If this wrangling is not stopped, the sovereign people may again give a clarion call for another political uprising.
RPP-N believes monarchy can be restored in Nepal
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 12 - Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPP-N) that supported former King Gyanendra during the royal takeover, on Friday, said that there is an increased chance that the monarchy would be restored in the country.
Addressing the national conference of the party, leaders said ignorance of former Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and the Maoists’ stupidity were responsible for the end of Monarchy in Nepal.
Party Chairman Kamal Thapa said, “With the dawn of republic and the fall of monarchy, the existence of the country itself is in peril.”
Other leaders stressed on the need of democracy that would involve the former king also despite the republican set up.
Meanwhile, mimicking the Maoists, the CPN-UML and some other parties, the RPP-N said that it would form its youth wing soon.
Posted on: 2008-09-12 08:44:34 (Server Time
KATHMANDU, Sept 12 - Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPP-N) that supported former King Gyanendra during the royal takeover, on Friday, said that there is an increased chance that the monarchy would be restored in the country.
Addressing the national conference of the party, leaders said ignorance of former Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and the Maoists’ stupidity were responsible for the end of Monarchy in Nepal.
Party Chairman Kamal Thapa said, “With the dawn of republic and the fall of monarchy, the existence of the country itself is in peril.”
Other leaders stressed on the need of democracy that would involve the former king also despite the republican set up.
Meanwhile, mimicking the Maoists, the CPN-UML and some other parties, the RPP-N said that it would form its youth wing soon.
Posted on: 2008-09-12 08:44:34 (Server Time
Saturday, September 6, 2008
Nepali Congress witnessing demands for leadership change
http://www.ptinews.com/pti%5Cptisite.nsf/0/232B5A6CB87AB301652574B8004EC41A?OpenDocument
Kathmandu, Sep 2 (PTI) Nepali Congress, once the largest party in the country which lost ground to Maoists in the recent polls, is focussing on an organisational revamp amid calls for a new leadership that could steer it towards a fresh direction in a more competitive political atmosphere.The eight-day long central committee meeting of the NC saw majority of the members voicing demands for a leadership change, party sources said here today.The NC, which was in the forefront of the 2006 popular uprising against now-deposed King Gyanendra, was pushed to the second spot by the Maoists in April 10 Constituent Assembly elections. It decided to sit in the opposition following differences with Maoists on power-sharing but succeeded in installing party nominee Ram Baran Yadav as Nepal's President.During the meeting that began Monday, some Central leaders also mooted a collective leadership, involving top leaders like Ramchandra Paudyal, Shushil Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba, the sources said.NC chief and former prime minister G P Koirala, who is in his eighties, has been facing health problems for long.The party's central members also expressed the view that NC lost the April election due to organisational weaknesses.They urged the leadership to call the general convention, which is authorised to change the leadership of the party, by April next year. The general body has some 1,500 members and its meeting is convened every three years. PTI
Kathmandu, Sep 2 (PTI) Nepali Congress, once the largest party in the country which lost ground to Maoists in the recent polls, is focussing on an organisational revamp amid calls for a new leadership that could steer it towards a fresh direction in a more competitive political atmosphere.The eight-day long central committee meeting of the NC saw majority of the members voicing demands for a leadership change, party sources said here today.The NC, which was in the forefront of the 2006 popular uprising against now-deposed King Gyanendra, was pushed to the second spot by the Maoists in April 10 Constituent Assembly elections. It decided to sit in the opposition following differences with Maoists on power-sharing but succeeded in installing party nominee Ram Baran Yadav as Nepal's President.During the meeting that began Monday, some Central leaders also mooted a collective leadership, involving top leaders like Ramchandra Paudyal, Shushil Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba, the sources said.NC chief and former prime minister G P Koirala, who is in his eighties, has been facing health problems for long.The party's central members also expressed the view that NC lost the April election due to organisational weaknesses.They urged the leadership to call the general convention, which is authorised to change the leadership of the party, by April next year. The general body has some 1,500 members and its meeting is convened every three years. PTI
The Maoist Government will not last long - Govinda raj Joshi
Govinda Raj Joshi - Central Committee member, Nepali Congress
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4003
Govinda Raj Joshi, a Nepali Congress Central Committee member was born in the year 1949 at Khalte in Rupakot Village Development Committee of Tanahun district.
Mr. Joshi holds a MA degree in the Political Science discipline.
His step into the field of politics dates back to the year 1964 when Joshi had just begun his student life. Joshi who regards late B.P Koirala as his ideal was the president of free students union (College of Education) and Gandaki Students Council.
Joshi was a member of Tarun Dal-the youth wing of Nepali Congress Party in the year 1969, secretary of Nepali Congress, Tanahun in 2033, secretary of multiparty campaign committee of the Nepali Congress Party in 1979, the vice- president of Nepali Congress Party, Tanahun district and eventually made it to the central committee member of the party in the year 1997.
Likewise, Mr. Joshi was elected as central committee member of the party in the year 2000. Twice a central committee member, Mr. Joshi has already held the post of a joint general secretary of the party. He actively worked as a coordinator while the construction of the Nepali Congress Party Building was underway at Sanepa, Lalitpur. (Courtesy: Wikipedia)
TGQ1: Mr. Joshi you have been leading the “dissatisfied faction” in the Nepali Congress Camp. Why you have been demanding the call for an early party general assembly?
Mr. Joshi: Our demand for the time being is only to declare fresh dates for the party general assembly. It is my firm belief that the existing problems within the party will be resolved and thus unity restored in the party after holding the general assembly.
We do recognize that the party is undergoing unprecedented crisis currently. Thus declaring fresh dates for the general assembly and democratically discussing issues in contention is the only way to restore party’s lost glories and democratic credentials. Thus I along with majority of my party colleagues in the central committee have been demanding immediately calling the party’s General Assembly.
But the CC so far seems to have ignored your demand?
I have always said that the Nepali Congress as the country’s single Democratic Party should break all its relations with the Maoists. I have also been saying that the Nepali Congress should play the role of an active opposition in the Constituent Assembly. I always believed that the Nepali Congress being the only Democratic Party and also a party of the liberals with its glorious past should not have joined the government with the extreme Left Party such as the Maoists. Look what has happened now. We have stopped working with the Maoists and now we are in the opposition. If we would have continued the alliance with the Maoists, the Nepali Congress would have disappeared from the political scene altogether.
B.P. Koirala never ever tried to establish any relations with the Communists. He even rejected the proposals of liberal communist leaders of the likes of Pushpalal Pradhan and Manmohan Adhikari to work together. Because he knew that if Nepali Congress works with the Communists, the NC will loose its identity once and for all.
This is what we have been saying in public and also within the party itself---which has come to true in the recent past. More specifically, in the last two years what I and my friends have said have become cent per cent true. Visualizing the past and our predictions becoming true, I firmly believe that the Nepali Congress leadership does not have the moral to ignore our demands. Our demand has become the voice of two hundred thousand Nepali Congress cadres. The party high command must understand our mood for the GA properly and declare fresh dates.
TGQ2: The Nepali Congress in its entire political history has never been so weak as it is now, say some political analysts. In you opinion, Mr. Joshi, Change in the party leadership or even looking for an alternative to Girija Prasad Koirala, what may bring good results for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: I slightly differ with you in that the party itself is still and will remain very strong in the future but I accept that the party management has been the weakest at the moment in its entire history. Nevertheless, Nepali Congress is the oldest and the biggest party. Undermining Nepali Congress’s political influence in the country could be a big mistake for the critics.
The fact is that the party president Girija Babu has become very old and is weak as well. The NC management under his command could not perform its tasks well as was demanded. And it is this management that brought the party to this weakened state. But Girija Babu is still adamant. It seems he is yet to learn lessons from the blunders and the follies he has committed. He still believes that the Nepali Congress can still run under his whims. Koirala and his ilk do not want to hold the party general assembly at the earliest instead they want it delayed further.
Nevertheless, we have been strongly forwarding the idea of holding the GA as soon as possible which would ultimately ensure that the party command will go to a group leadership but not any more the party’s affairs can become the exclusive prerogative of a person as such. I have time and again told the party leadership that the group leadership is the only viable option to regain the lost grounds of the party in Nepali politics. How to proceed with the agenda of a group leadership and to outline the role of the group leadership shall be discussed within the party in the days ahead. If we do not move in this direction the Nepali Congress could face further challenges in the national level politics.
Regarding the question on changing the leadership—the issue will be dealt within the General Assembly. It is the exclusive right of the Nepali Congress cadres to choose the central leadership. The group leadership thus takes over the personal leadership and the smaller factions within the Nepali Congress will automatically cease to exist.
But tell you very frankly Koirala is still our supreme leader but the party affairs can no longer run at the helms of his leadership. It is his self decision whether he wants to take a rest after the General Assembly meeting or continue serving the party. After the GA, the party will chose a different leadership as there is also the provision that a single person cannot continue third time in office as the president of the party.
Koirala is a complete failure for the party, is this you want to say precisely?
Not at all. In his leadership the party has traversed a comfortable distance. He is already 85 years old. We have no one to lead the party after him. This is the problem. Be it the Peoples’ Uprising or the CA elections, such historical events did take place under his leadership. We cannot call him a failed politician.
TGQ3: How you assessed the unthought-of CA election defeat for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: The Nepali Congress Central Committee is solely responsible for the CA election defeat. To a large extent it is due to some selfish leaders who were in the government and also very close to the Maoists-they ensured that the party did not win the election. It is because of their ill intention the party had to face the unexpected result. They gave the impression that the two communists, the UML and the Maoists, will fight for their seats in the election which will bode positive results for the NC party. No efforts were put in place to take control over the deteriorating security situation.
What prospect is there for the NC in the opposition?
Look we are actually the government in the waiting. The Maoists government in all likelihood will not see the light of the day. This Maoist led government can not steer the nation properly. This is the time we should be very active and regain out lost grounds by rebuilding our grass root contacts. The role in opposition should be taken as an opportunity gained not opportunity lost.
TGQ4: You said that the government cannot continue for long. Is it that the Nepali Congress will do everything possible in order not to let the government function?
Mr. Joshi: Everybody has noticed that the political wrangling is already troubling the common men. Some of the alliance partners are busy raising protocol issue and some time they are not satisfied with the ministry they are awarded with. These are petty issues yet could impact the country heavily. The point here is that the alliance that is leading the nation currently if remains heavily involved in political skirmishes how it can perform the job of the nation and the people?
To your second question, let me make you clear that it is not our job to make or break a government. Our role as the opposition this time around will be a very positive one. Our response depends on the government’s performances.
Is there a threat the country falling into the complete Communist grip?
I do not think that it will happen. The communists have accepted the democratic polity. To tell you frankly the UML is not at all a Communist Party. When we talk of the Leftists, we now refer to the extreme left. You will see that the Maoists, time permitting will become very similar to the UML.
Take it for granted, the country will rather fall into the fold of the real democratic forces very soon.
The current government is, say experts, tiled more to China, what say you?
You are right. The government till the day before seemed to have acquired the China tilt. You will see few weeks later it will be India tilted. In reality it cannot stand tall…this government. The problem with this government is that it is not built on a strong foundation. Thus it keeps on vibrating form one point to the other.
TGQ5: You took differing views on several matters in the Nepali Congress and also led the “dissatisfied faction” in the party. What say you now?
Mr. Joshi: Do not get entangled with the dissatisfaction we have from the party leadership to that of leading the non-existent dissatisfied faction in the party. We are firm on what we speak and on our ideology thus we are called the dissatisfied because our stature is rigid.
Our point is only that the NC should not join the government at the moment. It is the time that the NC takes to the path of internal reforms, regaining our lost grounds should be the top priority and also we should fight for the complete democracy. We must fulfill the promises we have made to our people. In reality, there is no other party that speaks in favor of the people other than the Nepali Congress. It is only natural that some time we face some ideological ups and downs and also face problems in managing the party affairs and thus we take it as a high time to correct our mistakes, we stay out of the government and sort out our internal problems.(Courtesy: Janbhawana Weekly, Nepal)
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4003
Govinda Raj Joshi, a Nepali Congress Central Committee member was born in the year 1949 at Khalte in Rupakot Village Development Committee of Tanahun district.
Mr. Joshi holds a MA degree in the Political Science discipline.
His step into the field of politics dates back to the year 1964 when Joshi had just begun his student life. Joshi who regards late B.P Koirala as his ideal was the president of free students union (College of Education) and Gandaki Students Council.
Joshi was a member of Tarun Dal-the youth wing of Nepali Congress Party in the year 1969, secretary of Nepali Congress, Tanahun in 2033, secretary of multiparty campaign committee of the Nepali Congress Party in 1979, the vice- president of Nepali Congress Party, Tanahun district and eventually made it to the central committee member of the party in the year 1997.
Likewise, Mr. Joshi was elected as central committee member of the party in the year 2000. Twice a central committee member, Mr. Joshi has already held the post of a joint general secretary of the party. He actively worked as a coordinator while the construction of the Nepali Congress Party Building was underway at Sanepa, Lalitpur. (Courtesy: Wikipedia)
TGQ1: Mr. Joshi you have been leading the “dissatisfied faction” in the Nepali Congress Camp. Why you have been demanding the call for an early party general assembly?
Mr. Joshi: Our demand for the time being is only to declare fresh dates for the party general assembly. It is my firm belief that the existing problems within the party will be resolved and thus unity restored in the party after holding the general assembly.
We do recognize that the party is undergoing unprecedented crisis currently. Thus declaring fresh dates for the general assembly and democratically discussing issues in contention is the only way to restore party’s lost glories and democratic credentials. Thus I along with majority of my party colleagues in the central committee have been demanding immediately calling the party’s General Assembly.
But the CC so far seems to have ignored your demand?
I have always said that the Nepali Congress as the country’s single Democratic Party should break all its relations with the Maoists. I have also been saying that the Nepali Congress should play the role of an active opposition in the Constituent Assembly. I always believed that the Nepali Congress being the only Democratic Party and also a party of the liberals with its glorious past should not have joined the government with the extreme Left Party such as the Maoists. Look what has happened now. We have stopped working with the Maoists and now we are in the opposition. If we would have continued the alliance with the Maoists, the Nepali Congress would have disappeared from the political scene altogether.
B.P. Koirala never ever tried to establish any relations with the Communists. He even rejected the proposals of liberal communist leaders of the likes of Pushpalal Pradhan and Manmohan Adhikari to work together. Because he knew that if Nepali Congress works with the Communists, the NC will loose its identity once and for all.
This is what we have been saying in public and also within the party itself---which has come to true in the recent past. More specifically, in the last two years what I and my friends have said have become cent per cent true. Visualizing the past and our predictions becoming true, I firmly believe that the Nepali Congress leadership does not have the moral to ignore our demands. Our demand has become the voice of two hundred thousand Nepali Congress cadres. The party high command must understand our mood for the GA properly and declare fresh dates.
TGQ2: The Nepali Congress in its entire political history has never been so weak as it is now, say some political analysts. In you opinion, Mr. Joshi, Change in the party leadership or even looking for an alternative to Girija Prasad Koirala, what may bring good results for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: I slightly differ with you in that the party itself is still and will remain very strong in the future but I accept that the party management has been the weakest at the moment in its entire history. Nevertheless, Nepali Congress is the oldest and the biggest party. Undermining Nepali Congress’s political influence in the country could be a big mistake for the critics.
The fact is that the party president Girija Babu has become very old and is weak as well. The NC management under his command could not perform its tasks well as was demanded. And it is this management that brought the party to this weakened state. But Girija Babu is still adamant. It seems he is yet to learn lessons from the blunders and the follies he has committed. He still believes that the Nepali Congress can still run under his whims. Koirala and his ilk do not want to hold the party general assembly at the earliest instead they want it delayed further.
Nevertheless, we have been strongly forwarding the idea of holding the GA as soon as possible which would ultimately ensure that the party command will go to a group leadership but not any more the party’s affairs can become the exclusive prerogative of a person as such. I have time and again told the party leadership that the group leadership is the only viable option to regain the lost grounds of the party in Nepali politics. How to proceed with the agenda of a group leadership and to outline the role of the group leadership shall be discussed within the party in the days ahead. If we do not move in this direction the Nepali Congress could face further challenges in the national level politics.
Regarding the question on changing the leadership—the issue will be dealt within the General Assembly. It is the exclusive right of the Nepali Congress cadres to choose the central leadership. The group leadership thus takes over the personal leadership and the smaller factions within the Nepali Congress will automatically cease to exist.
But tell you very frankly Koirala is still our supreme leader but the party affairs can no longer run at the helms of his leadership. It is his self decision whether he wants to take a rest after the General Assembly meeting or continue serving the party. After the GA, the party will chose a different leadership as there is also the provision that a single person cannot continue third time in office as the president of the party.
Koirala is a complete failure for the party, is this you want to say precisely?
Not at all. In his leadership the party has traversed a comfortable distance. He is already 85 years old. We have no one to lead the party after him. This is the problem. Be it the Peoples’ Uprising or the CA elections, such historical events did take place under his leadership. We cannot call him a failed politician.
TGQ3: How you assessed the unthought-of CA election defeat for the Nepali Congress?
Mr. Joshi: The Nepali Congress Central Committee is solely responsible for the CA election defeat. To a large extent it is due to some selfish leaders who were in the government and also very close to the Maoists-they ensured that the party did not win the election. It is because of their ill intention the party had to face the unexpected result. They gave the impression that the two communists, the UML and the Maoists, will fight for their seats in the election which will bode positive results for the NC party. No efforts were put in place to take control over the deteriorating security situation.
What prospect is there for the NC in the opposition?
Look we are actually the government in the waiting. The Maoists government in all likelihood will not see the light of the day. This Maoist led government can not steer the nation properly. This is the time we should be very active and regain out lost grounds by rebuilding our grass root contacts. The role in opposition should be taken as an opportunity gained not opportunity lost.
TGQ4: You said that the government cannot continue for long. Is it that the Nepali Congress will do everything possible in order not to let the government function?
Mr. Joshi: Everybody has noticed that the political wrangling is already troubling the common men. Some of the alliance partners are busy raising protocol issue and some time they are not satisfied with the ministry they are awarded with. These are petty issues yet could impact the country heavily. The point here is that the alliance that is leading the nation currently if remains heavily involved in political skirmishes how it can perform the job of the nation and the people?
To your second question, let me make you clear that it is not our job to make or break a government. Our role as the opposition this time around will be a very positive one. Our response depends on the government’s performances.
Is there a threat the country falling into the complete Communist grip?
I do not think that it will happen. The communists have accepted the democratic polity. To tell you frankly the UML is not at all a Communist Party. When we talk of the Leftists, we now refer to the extreme left. You will see that the Maoists, time permitting will become very similar to the UML.
Take it for granted, the country will rather fall into the fold of the real democratic forces very soon.
The current government is, say experts, tiled more to China, what say you?
You are right. The government till the day before seemed to have acquired the China tilt. You will see few weeks later it will be India tilted. In reality it cannot stand tall…this government. The problem with this government is that it is not built on a strong foundation. Thus it keeps on vibrating form one point to the other.
TGQ5: You took differing views on several matters in the Nepali Congress and also led the “dissatisfied faction” in the party. What say you now?
Mr. Joshi: Do not get entangled with the dissatisfaction we have from the party leadership to that of leading the non-existent dissatisfied faction in the party. We are firm on what we speak and on our ideology thus we are called the dissatisfied because our stature is rigid.
Our point is only that the NC should not join the government at the moment. It is the time that the NC takes to the path of internal reforms, regaining our lost grounds should be the top priority and also we should fight for the complete democracy. We must fulfill the promises we have made to our people. In reality, there is no other party that speaks in favor of the people other than the Nepali Congress. It is only natural that some time we face some ideological ups and downs and also face problems in managing the party affairs and thus we take it as a high time to correct our mistakes, we stay out of the government and sort out our internal problems.(Courtesy: Janbhawana Weekly, Nepal)
Tuesday, September 2, 2008
NC CWC extends tenure by one year
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=159040
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 1 - Nepali Congress (NC) Central Working Committee (CWC) on Sunday extended its tenure by a year, a day before its normal tenure was going to expire. The three-year tenure of the CWC formed through its 11th General Convention in September 2, 2005, was expiring on Monday.
The move gives continuity to the NC of not holding its general convention on time.
NC leader Laxman Prasad Ghimire said that the party has never been able to hold its general convention within three years "due to internal and external causes."
"If the party fails to hold the general convention on time, the CWC meeting can extend its tenure not exceeding two years," Ghimire said, adding, "The ongoing CWC meeting will fix the date for the 12th general convention."
Party's statement issued Sunday said the party, after Mahasamity meeting of both NC and NC-D last year, remained busy preparing for CA polls , enforcement of republican rules and election to president and prime minister, leading to its failure in holding timely convention and make necessary reforms in party structures.
Immediately after taking the decision to extend the tenure, the party has informed the Election Commission about the extention of the tenure.
In a separate decision, party also expressed serious concern over the loss of human lives and properties in different VDCs of Tanahun district recently, where at least seven people were killed due to incessant rainfalls and landslides. It requested the government, Nepal Red Cross Society and other organizations to provide relief for the landslide victims.
Posted on: 2008-08-31 19:50:59 (Server Time)
Kantipur Report
KATHMANDU, Sept 1 - Nepali Congress (NC) Central Working Committee (CWC) on Sunday extended its tenure by a year, a day before its normal tenure was going to expire. The three-year tenure of the CWC formed through its 11th General Convention in September 2, 2005, was expiring on Monday.
The move gives continuity to the NC of not holding its general convention on time.
NC leader Laxman Prasad Ghimire said that the party has never been able to hold its general convention within three years "due to internal and external causes."
"If the party fails to hold the general convention on time, the CWC meeting can extend its tenure not exceeding two years," Ghimire said, adding, "The ongoing CWC meeting will fix the date for the 12th general convention."
Party's statement issued Sunday said the party, after Mahasamity meeting of both NC and NC-D last year, remained busy preparing for CA polls , enforcement of republican rules and election to president and prime minister, leading to its failure in holding timely convention and make necessary reforms in party structures.
Immediately after taking the decision to extend the tenure, the party has informed the Election Commission about the extention of the tenure.
In a separate decision, party also expressed serious concern over the loss of human lives and properties in different VDCs of Tanahun district recently, where at least seven people were killed due to incessant rainfalls and landslides. It requested the government, Nepal Red Cross Society and other organizations to provide relief for the landslide victims.
Posted on: 2008-08-31 19:50:59 (Server Time)
Nepali Congress can learn a lesson from Hillary’s speech - Prakash Rimal
http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullstory.asp?filename=aFanata0sa2qzpla0Wa4wa.axamal&folder=aHaoamW&Name=Home&dtSiteDate=20080831
Kathmandu, August 30:On Wednesday Senator Hillary Clinton vowed to work to elect the man, who thwarted her presidential dreams, Barack Hussein Obama, now waiting to become the first black president of the United States. In an emotional speech she backed Obama as the Democratic party’s nominee for the presidential election, due on November 4, and appealed to her supporters to stand by Barack.
“Whether you voted for me or voted for Barack, the time is now to unite as a single party with a single purpose,” she told a party convention in Denver, Colorado.Back home, Nepal’s “oldest and largest democratic institution” — the Nepali Congress (NC) — is groping for a way forward five months after suffering a humiliating defeat in the historic CA election. The party began its Central Working Committee meeting on Monday and practically spent the entire week discussing too many different issues that centred around General Secretary Bimalendra Nidhi’s paper. Key among them are calls for the party’s re-organisation, announcement of fresh dates for the General Assembly and General Convention, revivalof collective leadership and creating an atmosphere for emotional unity.
Each speaker raised these issues that mean different things to different speakers.The CWC members need to come out of the shells in which they reside. Sooner or later, the Assembly and the Convention will have to take place to elect the party leadership. But voting a faction in and another out of the leadership ladder hardly contributes to unity in the party unless, like Hillary Clinton stated, the NC rank and file ‘unite as a single party with a single purpose’ irrespective of who wins or who loses. The thing called team spirit seems to be lacking in the NC.
What’s important at this stage is that the NC men and women pledge to stand by the party — irrespective of who they would want to see commanding the ship. Or else, rushing for a vote to choose a new team or re-elect the old guards will only prove to be a purpose defeated.In the absence of such a pledge, the party will never be able to unite emotionally or re-organise itself, even if Assembly meets within the next three months and the Council appoints a new leader in another nine months.
The CWC members better understand that re-organising a mass-based party like the NC is not as easy as it sounds. Besides, the organisation needs to attract the youth by addressing their concerns.While the NC badly needs a fresh impetus, the idea of collective leadership perhaps deserves a cold, hard look. For, collective leadership will only take the party back to square one.
Remember the triangular tussles and sabotages among and between Girija Prasad Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and late Ganesh Man Singh through the ‘90s? The jumbo CWC better understand that the lack of ‘emotional unity’ in the party is a continuation of the deep wounds the top three NC leaders inflicted on one another in their fight for supremacy at the cost of one another. What would remain of the party if history is repeated again?
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Kathmandu, August 30:On Wednesday Senator Hillary Clinton vowed to work to elect the man, who thwarted her presidential dreams, Barack Hussein Obama, now waiting to become the first black president of the United States. In an emotional speech she backed Obama as the Democratic party’s nominee for the presidential election, due on November 4, and appealed to her supporters to stand by Barack.
“Whether you voted for me or voted for Barack, the time is now to unite as a single party with a single purpose,” she told a party convention in Denver, Colorado.Back home, Nepal’s “oldest and largest democratic institution” — the Nepali Congress (NC) — is groping for a way forward five months after suffering a humiliating defeat in the historic CA election. The party began its Central Working Committee meeting on Monday and practically spent the entire week discussing too many different issues that centred around General Secretary Bimalendra Nidhi’s paper. Key among them are calls for the party’s re-organisation, announcement of fresh dates for the General Assembly and General Convention, revivalof collective leadership and creating an atmosphere for emotional unity.
Each speaker raised these issues that mean different things to different speakers.The CWC members need to come out of the shells in which they reside. Sooner or later, the Assembly and the Convention will have to take place to elect the party leadership. But voting a faction in and another out of the leadership ladder hardly contributes to unity in the party unless, like Hillary Clinton stated, the NC rank and file ‘unite as a single party with a single purpose’ irrespective of who wins or who loses. The thing called team spirit seems to be lacking in the NC.
What’s important at this stage is that the NC men and women pledge to stand by the party — irrespective of who they would want to see commanding the ship. Or else, rushing for a vote to choose a new team or re-elect the old guards will only prove to be a purpose defeated.In the absence of such a pledge, the party will never be able to unite emotionally or re-organise itself, even if Assembly meets within the next three months and the Council appoints a new leader in another nine months.
The CWC members better understand that re-organising a mass-based party like the NC is not as easy as it sounds. Besides, the organisation needs to attract the youth by addressing their concerns.While the NC badly needs a fresh impetus, the idea of collective leadership perhaps deserves a cold, hard look. For, collective leadership will only take the party back to square one.
Remember the triangular tussles and sabotages among and between Girija Prasad Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and late Ganesh Man Singh through the ‘90s? The jumbo CWC better understand that the lack of ‘emotional unity’ in the party is a continuation of the deep wounds the top three NC leaders inflicted on one another in their fight for supremacy at the cost of one another. What would remain of the party if history is repeated again?
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