http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158844
कुमार रेग्मी
विगत ६० वर्षन्दा लामो समयदेखि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको केन्द्रमा रहेको नेपाली कांग्रेस आज तमासे भएको छ । उसको विरोध र असहमतिका बाबजुद दर्ुइ तिहाइभन्दा बढी मत ल्याएर उसैले शान्तिपर्ूण्ा राजनीतिमा ल्याएको भनिएको नेकपा माओवादीले सरकार बनाएको छ । यो र्समर्थन सरकारले कायम राखेमा संविधान निर्माण प्रक्रियामा समेत ऊ भूमिकाशून्य र तमासे भएर रहनुपर्ने छ । आखिर कांग्रेस किन यो अवस्थामा पुग्यो -
प्रत्येक राजनीतिक संगठन निश्चित विचार र त्यसका आधारमा तयार भएको जनर्समथनको जगमा चलेको र टिकेको हुन्छ । त्यसमा राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको दूरदृष्टि, दृढसंकल्प, कठोर परिश्रम र निःस्वार्थ भावनाले प्रमुख भूमिका खेलेको हुन्छ । नेतृत्व महत्त्वाकांक्षी हुन सक्छ र सामान्य अवस्थामा त्यो स्वाभाविक पनि हुन्छ तर असहज र असामान्य अवस्थामा व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थर्,र् इष्र्या र बदलाका खातिर हजारौंको त्याग, तपस्या, परिश्रम र बलिदानबाट निर्माण भएको संगठनको इतिहासप्रति गद्दारी गर्ने गल्ती गर्नु ह“ुदैन । गरिएमा आज कांग्रेसले भोगेको परिणाम हात लाग्ने छ ।
आफूलाई बीपीको तस्बिरमुनि राख्ने तर बीपीको विचार र मार्गदर्शनलाई चाहिं तिरष्कार गरेर कांग्रेस नेपाली राजनीतिको केन्द्रमा कहिल्यै बस्नसक्ने छैन । बीपीले जीवनभरको राजनीतिक उतारचढाव, दुःखपीडा, यातना, भारत र दरबारस“गका कटु अनुभवसमेतका आधारमा जीवनको उत्तर्रार्द्धमा तयार पारेको राष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीति र जीवनको अन्तिम अवस्थामा दिएका कालजयी सन्देशलाई चटक्कै छाड्नु नै कांग्रेसको वर्तमान दर्ुगतिको मूल कारण हो कि होइन भन्नेबारेमा खोई कांग्रेसभित्र छलफल र बहस चलेको -
बीपीले मुलुकको राष्ट्रिय एकता र अखण्डता कमजोर भएकाले सबै राष्ट्रवादी र प्रजातन्त्रवादी शक्ति एक हुनर्ुपर्छ भनी २०३३ सालमा भन्नुभएको कुरा के आज असान्दर्भिक भयो त - मूलतः भारतको नेपाल नीति बुझेर राष्ट्र कमजोर भएको सटिक विश्लेषण गरी फा“सीको सजाय हुनसक्ने अवस्थालाई समेत बेवास्ता गरी बीपी, गणेशमान स्वदेश फर्केपछि नेपालको प्रजातान्त्रीकरण अभियानले पछि र्फकनुपरेको छैन ।
यति हु“दाह“ुदै नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीतिलाई किन १२ बु“दे सहमति गर्ने नाममा भारतकै पोल्टामा पुर्याइयो र त्यसपछि लज्जास्पद ढंगले उसलाई नेपालको आन्तरिक मामिलामा अझ बढी हस्तक्षेप गर्नका लागि किन आमन्त्रित गरियो - कांगे्रसले आन्दोलन र सरकार दुवैको नेतृत्व गरेकाले जबाफ उसैले दिनर्ुपर्छ तर कुनै पनि कांग्रेसी नेतास“ग यसको चित्तबुझ्दो जबाफ छैन । झारा टार्ने केटौली तर्कबाट यी प्रश्नकोे जबाफ दिन सकि“दैन ।
कांगे्रसले ६० वर्षलामो कठोर मिहिनेतसाथ तयार पारेको बाटो छाडेर नया“ बाटो हि“ड्ने निर्ण्र्ाागर्यो तर नया“ बाटामा पहिलैदेखि अरू नै हि“डिरहेकाले उसले उचित स्थान पाउन सक्ने कुरै भएन । त्यसैले आफूले टेकिरहेको हा“गा आफंैले काटेर समात्ने हा“गा नभेटेको अवस्थामा आज कांगे्रस पुगेको छ । नया“ बाटो नेपाल, नेपाली र आफ्नै लागि अझ सुरक्षित छ भन्ने विश्वास नहुन्जेल स्थापित भइरहेका बाटामा कु“डाकर्कट भए हटाएर, खाल्डा परेको भए उचित मर्मत गरेर वा बाटाको माथिल्लो पत्र भत्काएर नया“ कालोपत्र राखेर हि“ड्न सकिन्थ्यो । त्यसो नगर्नाले आज ऊ आफूले बनाएको सहर भनी घमन्ड गरे पनि नया“ सहरको बिरानो मानिस हुनपुगेको छ । यो स्वाभाविक छ किनभने नया“ सहरका तीन मुख्य नारा- गणतन्त्र, संघीयता र धर्मनिरपेक्षता अहिलेसम्म पनि उसको विधानले स्वीकार नगरेका विषय हुन् ।
छ दशकभन्दा लामो समयसम्म धेरै राजनीतिक उतारचढावका बीच पनि कांगे्रसले आफ्नो स्थापनाकालको उद्देश्य र औचित्यलाई छाडेको थिएन । वास्तवमा त्यही नै उसको वास्तविक पु“जी रहेछ भन्ने कुरा अब धैरैले बुझिसकेको हुनर्ुपर्छ । ६० वर्षा तीनचार पुस्ताले कांगे्रस के हो र कस्तो हो भनेर चिनिबुझसिकेका थिए । उसको बाटो न त उग्रवामपन्थीको थियो न उग्रदक्षिणपन्थीको । उसले रोजेको र लामो समय मलजल गरेको बाटो मध्यमार्गको थियो । उसले निर्माण गरेको मध्यमार्गी बाटामा व्यक्तिगत स्वतन्त्रता र निजी सम्पत्तिलाई उच्च संरक्षण गर्दै, शान्तिपर्ूण्ा जीवनयापन गर्न चाहने, कानुन पालना गर्ने, आफ्नो धर्म, संस्कृति र स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्रिय पहिचान बचाउ“दै आधुनिकतातर्फअघि बढ्ने नेपाली समाजभित्रको सबैभन्दा ठूलो जमात एकाकार भएर हि“डेको थियो । मध्यमार्गी भएकै कारण समयसमयमा संगठन शून्य भएको अवस्थामा पनि यो पुनः मुलुकको प्रमुख परिवर्तनकारी राजनीतिक
शक्ति हुन सफल भएको यथार्थलाई वर्तमानको कांग्रेस नेतृत्वले पर्ूण्ा रूपमा बिर्सिएको देखिन्छ ।
००७ सालको क्रान्तिदेखि नै कांग्रेसलाई मध्यमार्गी धारबाट विचलित गर्राई भूमिकाशून्य गराउने धैरै प्रयास भए पनि नेतृत्वको दूरदर्शिताका कारण ती सफल भएका थिएनन् । विशेषतः बीपीले नेपालको विशिष्ट भूराजनीतिक अवस्थाका कारण गम्भीर र जटिल रहेको नेपालको राष्ट्रियताको प्रश्नलाई र्सवाधिक महत्त्व दि“दै जनताका सम्पर्ूण्ा मौलिक अधिकारसहितको प्रजातान्त्रीकरणलाई कांग्रेसको मूलमन्त्र बनाई त्यसमा विचलित नहुन्जेल यसको उपादेयता र भविष्य छ, अन्यथा यो संकटमा पर्ने छ भनी बारम्बार बोलेको कुरा आज रामवाणझैं प्रमाणित भएको छ तर दर्ुभाय, कांग्रेसभित्रको उच्च नेतृत्व र त्यहा“भित्र चर्का कुरा गरेर आफ्नो रोटी पकाइरहेका अन्य कतिपय दोस्रो र तेस्रो दर्जाका नेतालाई यी कुराले कुनै असर पार्ने देखिन्न ।
कांग्रेसले मध्यमार्गी धार छाड्दै जा“दा विगत दर्ुइ वर्षता जातीय, क्षेत्रीय र साम्प्रदायिक राजनीति डरलाग्दो ढंगले अघि बढेको स्पष्ट छ । नेपालका सबै जातजाति, वर्ण्र्ााधर्म सम्प्रदाय र भाषाभाषी बोल्ने अधिकांश मानिस समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितका पक्षमा छन् तर तिनलाई केही छुद्र निहित र क्षणिक स्वार्थ भएका तत्त्वले भड्काइरहेका छन् । प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिका रूपमा कांग्रेसले यस्ताखाले चुनौती सामना नगरेमा बहुसंख्यक नेपालीको राष्ट्रिय पहिचानसहित समग्र राष्ट्रिय हितमा अर्को प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्तिको उपस्थित भई यो अझ भूमिकाशून्य र कमजोर हु“दै जाने छ ।
आफ्नो इतिहासको सम्मानजनक मूल्यांकन नगरी कांग्रेस न त हिजोको जस्तो सबैले विश्वास गर्न सक्ने भरपर्दो संगठन बन्न सक्छ न उसले भविष्यमा निश्चित रूपमा आउने राष्ट्रियता र प्रजातन्त्रमाथिका खतराको मुकाबिला गर्न सक्छ । त्यसैगरी नया“ संविधान निर्माण गर्ने सर्न्दर्भमा छुद्र र सानातिना राजनीतिक फाइदाबेफाइदालाई बिल्कुलै वास्ता नगरी समग्र नेपालको हित कसरी हुन्छ, त्यसैबाट निर्देशित भएर अगाडि बढेमा कांग्रेसले आफैंलाई लगाएका घाउ बिस्तारै पुरि“दै जान सक्नेतर्फऊ सजग हुन जरुरी देखिन्छ ।
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:34:35
Tuesday, September 2, 2008
नया“ नेपालमा नया“ कांग्रेस
विमलेन्द्र निधि
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158843
संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रसहितको संविधान निर्माण गर्ने, शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई लक्ष्यमा पुर्याउनेे, भएका सहमति र सम्झौताहरूको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने, कानुन व्यवस्था कायम राख्ने र दैनिक जीवनको आवश्यकता पर्ूर्ति गर्ने, संविधानसभा, सरकार, प्रतिपक्षलगायत सबैको साझा राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डा आज यही हो ।
सरकारमा रहेर होस् वा प्रतिपक्षमा रहेर नेपाली कांग्रेसको भूमिका यिनै राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डाप्रति समर्पित रहनर्ुपर्छ । संविधानसभाभित्रका सबै दलस“ग कांग्रेसले यिनै एजेन्डा कार्यान्वयनका लागि सहमति र सहकार्यलाई निरन्तरता दिनर्ुपर्छ । माओवादी नेतृत्वमा गठित सरकारले यिनै एजेन्डालाई प्राथमिकता दिएको छ कि छैन, त्यसको कार्यान्वयनका लागि इमानदार र ठोस नीति र कार्यक्रम प्रस्तुत गरेको छ कि छैन, त्यसबारे निरन्तर निगरानी गर्ने र आवश्यकताअनुसार गुण र दोषका आधारमा र्समर्थन, सहयोग वा चेतावनी तथा संर्घष्ा गर्ने भूमिकाका लागि कांग्रेस तयार रहनर्ुपर्छ ।
माओवादी मूल रूपमा उग्र वामपन्थी पार्टर्ीीो । र्सवसत्तावादी अधिनायकवादी प्रणालीका रूपमा विश्वविख्यात 'जनवादी गणतन्त्र' लाई आफ्नो उद्देश्य र कार्यक्रमबाट माओवादी पार्टर्ीी हटाएको छैन । उग्र वामपन्थ स्वयं पनि उग्र दक्षिणपन्थमा परिणत हुन्छ । उग्र वामपन्थी र उग्र दक्षिणपन्थी बेलाबखत सजिलै गरी सा“ठगा“ठ गर्ने गर्छन् । नेपालको राजनीतिमा विगतका दिनमा पनि र यतिबेला पनि यही प्रस्ट देखि“दै आएको छ । यस जटिल र तरल राजनीतिक परिस्थितिमा कांग्रेसको भूमिका अत्यन्त जिम्मेवार, सचेत र सुस्पष्ट हुनर्ुपर्छ । कांग्रेस लोकतन्त्रवादी, समाजवादी र मध्यमार्गी हो । शान्ति र अहिंसा, स्वतन्त्रता, समानता, भ्रातृत्व, जनताको सम्प्रभुता, अग्रगमन र परिवर्तनमा विश्वास गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । अधिनायकवाद, र्सवसत्तावादलगायत सबै किसिमको निरंकुशतावाद र तानाशाहीविरुद्ध संर्घष्ा गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । राज्यको अग्रगमनकारी पुनः संरचनाका लागि संघीय गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य संरचना र बहुदलीय लोकतान्त्रिक शासन प्रणालीको निर्माणका लागि संविधानसभाभित्र वा संविधानसभा बाहिर हाम्रो पार्टर्ीी विभिन्न राजनीतिक दल र लोकतान्त्रिक शक्ति र अग्रगमन परिवर्तनका पक्षधरस“ग सहकार्य, संर्घष्ा र रूपान्तरणका विविध अन्तरसम्बन्ध निर्धारण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
संविधानसभाभित्रको भूमिकालाई सशक्त रूपमा प्रस्तुत गर्न तत्काल तयारी गर्न आवश्यक छ । यहा“ पनि दर्ुइ किसिमको भूमिका छ- संविधान निर्माण गर्ने विषयका लागि संविधानसभाको भूमिका । सरकार सञ्चालन र संसदीय कार्यका लागि व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को हैसियतको भूमिका । यी दुवै भूमिकाका लागि सभासद्हरू सचेत र सक्रिय रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुनर्ुपर्छ । संसदीय दलको विधान संशोधन र संसदीय दलको नेता, कार्यसमिति एवं पदाधिकारीको विधिवत् चयन तत्काल गर्नुपर्छ । व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को बैठक यही भाद्र २० गतेका लागि राष्ट्रपतिद्वारा आह्वान भइसकेको छ । बैठक प्रारम्भ हुनुअघि संसदीय दलको विधान स्वीकृत भई लागू हुनर्ुपर्छ र नेता तथा पदाधिकारीको तत्काल व्यवस्था हुनर्ुपर्छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे आफ्नै संरचनाभित्र पनि एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनलाई सुदृढ पार्दै प्रभावकारी रूपले क्रियाशील बनाउन तत्काल आवश्यक कदम चाल्नर्ुपर्छ । पार्टर्ीीे एकीकरणका सभापति गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला र नेता शेरबहादुर देउवाद्वारा हस्ताक्षरित घोषणापत्रलाई महासमितिको निर्ण्र्ाानुसार पार्टर्ीीवधानको अंगकै रूपमा व्यवस्था गरिएको छ । त्यसका बु“दाहरू केही कार्यान्वयन भएका छन् । धेरै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा बु“दा कार्यान्वयन हुन बा“की छन् । पार्टर्ीीे केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिमा १५ जना मनोनयन गर्न बा“की सदस्यको मनोनयन पूरा गर्नुपर्ने छ । २७ सदस्यीय केन्द्रीय कार्य सम्पादन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । २१ वटा विभागको विभागीय प्रमुखको मनोनयन र त्यसका लागि सदस्यसमेतको गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ ।
त्यस्तै जिल्ला, क्षेत्रीय, गाउ“, नगर समितिहरूको संगठनात्मक संरचना सम्बन्धमा गर्नुपर्ने बा“की काम गर्न लगाउनर्ुपर्छ । िक्रयाशील सदस्यहरू सूचीलाई एकीकृत गर्नुपर्छ । -यसका लागि दुवै मुख्य सचिवलाई जिम्मा लगाइसकिएको छ ।) अनुशासन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । उजुरीमाथि छानबिन र निर्ण्र्ाागर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । विधान परिमार्जन गर्न विधान समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । पार्टर्ीीे विधान परिमार्जन गर्दा संघीय संरचनातिर उन्मुख अवधारणा र स्वरूपलाई ध्यानमा राख्नु उपयुक्त हुन्छ ।
संरचना तत्काल गठन सक्रिय भएमा प्रथमतः एकीकरणले पर्ूण्ाता पाई संगठनका गतिविधि अगाडि बढ्दै जाने छन् । यसका साथै केन्द्रबाट विभिन्न मितिमा एकीकरण लगायतका सम्बन्धमा आवश्यक निर्देशन सबै जिल्ला र निकायका मातहतमा पठाइएको छ । त्यसमध्ये आंशिक रूपमा लागू भएको तर धेरैजसो लागू हुन बा“की छन् । क्षेत्रीय सभापति, गाउ“ र नगर सभापतिहरूमा आलोपालो सभापतित्व गर्ने व्यवस्थाले समस्या छ । जिल्लाका सभापति र सहसभापतिबीच पनि समझदारी अभावले केही समस्या छ । यसका लागि केन्द्रको परिपत्र कार्यान्वयन गराउन र आवश्यक निर्ण्र्ाास्थलगत रूपमा लिने गरी केन्द्रबाट दर्ुइ दर्ुइजना प्रतिनिधि पठाउनुपर्ने आवश्यक देखिन्छ ।
त्यस्तै भ्रातृसंगठन एवं शुभेच्छुक संघसंगठनबारे एकीकरण पत्रको व्यवस्थाअनुसार र केन्द्रबाट पठाएको निर्देशनअनुसार कार्यान्वयन गराउन आवश्यक देखिन्छ । महिला संघ, आदिवासी जनजाति संघ, दलित संघ, भूपू सैनिक संघ, सांस्कृतिक संघ, ट्रेड युनियनमा एकीकरणका सर्न्दर्भमा केन्द्रीय तहमा खासै समस्या परेको देखि“दैन तर नेविसंघ, तरुण दल, किसान संघमा एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनको सक्रियता अभिवृद्धि गर्न पार्टर्ीीेन्द्रबाट थप समन्वय र निर्देशनको आवश्यकता छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे परिपत्रबारे प्रस्ट अर्थ नबुझी पनि केही समस्या परेको देखिन्छ । विभाग गठन भएमा सम्बन्धित विभागमार्फ सम्बन्धित भ्रातृ वा शुभेच्छुक संगठनको समन्वय र निर्देशनमा कार्य गर्न गराउन उपयुक्त एवं प्रभावकारी हुने छ । विभाग निर्माण गर्दा दलितहरूस“ग सम्बन्धित विभाग छुटेकाले आदिवासी जनजाति र दलित विभागका रूपमा नामकरण गर्न उपयुक्त हुन्छ । त्यस्तै मुसलमानका लागि पनि एउटा छुट्टै समन्वय समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायबीच पार्टर्ीीे दृष्टिकोण स्पष्ट पार्न आवश्यक छ । त्यस्तै जिल्लाबाट आएका उजुरीमाथि निर्ण्र्ाागरेर अनुशासन कायम गर्नु आवश्यक छ । विवाद मिलाउन आवश्यक छ । कानुनी समस्याका लागि कानुनी सेल आवश्यक छ । यी सबैका लागि सम्बन्धित विभाग, समिति वा सेलहरूको तत्काल गठन गरी पार्टर्ीीई सक्रिय
तुल्याइने छ ।
द्वन्द्वपीडितको समस्या हर्ेन पनि एउटा छुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त देखिन्छ । कार्यालयमा प्राप्त विवरणअनुसार माओवादीबाट कांग्रेसका मात्र ६०३ जनाको हत्या, ३०६ जनाको अंगभंग, १३७९ जनाको सम्पत्ति कब्जा गरी हालसम्म फिर्ता नगरिएको अवस्था छ । त्यस्तै २९८६ परिवार संख्या विस्थापित र १५७ जना अपहरण गरी बेपत्ता बनाएको अवस्था छ ।
नया“ संविधानको निर्माण र संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक संरचना निर्माणका लागि र्सवाधिक महत्त्वका साथ दुइटा छुट्टाछुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु अत्यावश्यक छ । एउटा संविधान मस्यौदा सुझाव समिति र अर्को संघीय संरचना मस्यौदा समिति । यी दुवैले छुट्टाछुट्टै रूपमा देशभरि छलफल, संवाद, अन्तरक्रिया, गोष्ठी आदिद्वारा बहस चलाई पार्टर्ीीे धारणा बनाउने र राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको निर्माण गर्ने कार्यमा योगदान पुर्याउनुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
यही भदौ १६ गते पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन भएको ३ वर्षपुग्दै छ । तर्सथ पार्टर्ीीे म्याद थप्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । यसका लागि पनि तत्काल निर्ण्र्ाालिनु उपयुक्त हुने छ । विगतका बैठकमा केन्द्रीय सदस्यबाट पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन वा महासमिति बोलाउनुपर्ने विचार आएका छन् । एकीकरण भएपछि संगठनलाई सुसंगठित स्वरूप दिन उपयुक्त विचार हो । महाधिवेशन गर्न यसपर्ूव सबै तयारी गर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । जस्तैः एकीकरणपछि सात सातजना गरी चौध महाधिवेशन प्रतिनिधि रहेका छन् । पहिले महाधिवेशन हु“दाका २०५ निर्वाचन क्षेत्र थिए, अहिले बढेर २४० भएका छन् । त्यसलाई पनि विधिवत् नया“ ढंगले व्यवस्थित गरी प्रतिनिधि चयन गर्नुपर्छ । यी विषयसमेत पार्टर्ीीे संरचनालाई समावेशी बनाउन पनि विधान संशोधन आवश्यक छ ।
क्रियाशील सदस्यको अभिलेखलाई एकीकृत गरी गाउ“ तहबाट अधिवेशन प्रारम्भ गरेर क्षेत्र र जिल्लाहरू समेतको अधिवेशन सम्पन्न गरी राष्ट्रिय महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न गर्नु विधिसम्मत हुन्छ । यी सबै कार्य चरणबद्ध गर्न पनि यथाशीघ्र एकीकरणस“ग सम्बन्धित बा“की रहेका विषय कार्यान्वयन गरी पर्ूण्ाता दिनु आवश्यक देखिन्छ । एकीकरणको घोषणापत्रमा रहेका बु“दा र केन्द्रका नीतिनिर्देशन तत्काल कार्यान्वयन गर्न सबैको ध्यान जानु आवश्यक छ । यसका साथै आश्विनको पहिलो सप्ताहमा देशभरका सभापति र सहसभापतिहरूको ३/४ दिनको सम्मेलनको काठमाडौंमा आयोजना गरेर संगठन एकीकरण र सुदृढीकरण अभियान थाल्नु र्सवाधिक उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
-भदौ ९ गतेदेखि जारी नेपाली कांग्रेस केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिको बैठकमा महामन्त्री निधिद्वारा प्रस्तुत राजनीतिक प्रतिवेदनको अंश)
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:33:18
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?nid=158843
संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रसहितको संविधान निर्माण गर्ने, शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई लक्ष्यमा पुर्याउनेे, भएका सहमति र सम्झौताहरूको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने, कानुन व्यवस्था कायम राख्ने र दैनिक जीवनको आवश्यकता पर्ूर्ति गर्ने, संविधानसभा, सरकार, प्रतिपक्षलगायत सबैको साझा राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डा आज यही हो ।
सरकारमा रहेर होस् वा प्रतिपक्षमा रहेर नेपाली कांग्रेसको भूमिका यिनै राष्ट्रिय एजेन्डाप्रति समर्पित रहनर्ुपर्छ । संविधानसभाभित्रका सबै दलस“ग कांग्रेसले यिनै एजेन्डा कार्यान्वयनका लागि सहमति र सहकार्यलाई निरन्तरता दिनर्ुपर्छ । माओवादी नेतृत्वमा गठित सरकारले यिनै एजेन्डालाई प्राथमिकता दिएको छ कि छैन, त्यसको कार्यान्वयनका लागि इमानदार र ठोस नीति र कार्यक्रम प्रस्तुत गरेको छ कि छैन, त्यसबारे निरन्तर निगरानी गर्ने र आवश्यकताअनुसार गुण र दोषका आधारमा र्समर्थन, सहयोग वा चेतावनी तथा संर्घष्ा गर्ने भूमिकाका लागि कांग्रेस तयार रहनर्ुपर्छ ।
माओवादी मूल रूपमा उग्र वामपन्थी पार्टर्ीीो । र्सवसत्तावादी अधिनायकवादी प्रणालीका रूपमा विश्वविख्यात 'जनवादी गणतन्त्र' लाई आफ्नो उद्देश्य र कार्यक्रमबाट माओवादी पार्टर्ीी हटाएको छैन । उग्र वामपन्थ स्वयं पनि उग्र दक्षिणपन्थमा परिणत हुन्छ । उग्र वामपन्थी र उग्र दक्षिणपन्थी बेलाबखत सजिलै गरी सा“ठगा“ठ गर्ने गर्छन् । नेपालको राजनीतिमा विगतका दिनमा पनि र यतिबेला पनि यही प्रस्ट देखि“दै आएको छ । यस जटिल र तरल राजनीतिक परिस्थितिमा कांग्रेसको भूमिका अत्यन्त जिम्मेवार, सचेत र सुस्पष्ट हुनर्ुपर्छ । कांग्रेस लोकतन्त्रवादी, समाजवादी र मध्यमार्गी हो । शान्ति र अहिंसा, स्वतन्त्रता, समानता, भ्रातृत्व, जनताको सम्प्रभुता, अग्रगमन र परिवर्तनमा विश्वास गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । अधिनायकवाद, र्सवसत्तावादलगायत सबै किसिमको निरंकुशतावाद र तानाशाहीविरुद्ध संर्घष्ा गर्ने पार्टर्ीीो । राज्यको अग्रगमनकारी पुनः संरचनाका लागि संघीय गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य संरचना र बहुदलीय लोकतान्त्रिक शासन प्रणालीको निर्माणका लागि संविधानसभाभित्र वा संविधानसभा बाहिर हाम्रो पार्टर्ीी विभिन्न राजनीतिक दल र लोकतान्त्रिक शक्ति र अग्रगमन परिवर्तनका पक्षधरस“ग सहकार्य, संर्घष्ा र रूपान्तरणका विविध अन्तरसम्बन्ध निर्धारण गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
संविधानसभाभित्रको भूमिकालाई सशक्त रूपमा प्रस्तुत गर्न तत्काल तयारी गर्न आवश्यक छ । यहा“ पनि दर्ुइ किसिमको भूमिका छ- संविधान निर्माण गर्ने विषयका लागि संविधानसभाको भूमिका । सरकार सञ्चालन र संसदीय कार्यका लागि व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को हैसियतको भूमिका । यी दुवै भूमिकाका लागि सभासद्हरू सचेत र सक्रिय रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुनर्ुपर्छ । संसदीय दलको विधान संशोधन र संसदीय दलको नेता, कार्यसमिति एवं पदाधिकारीको विधिवत् चयन तत्काल गर्नुपर्छ । व्यवस्थापिका संसद्को बैठक यही भाद्र २० गतेका लागि राष्ट्रपतिद्वारा आह्वान भइसकेको छ । बैठक प्रारम्भ हुनुअघि संसदीय दलको विधान स्वीकृत भई लागू हुनर्ुपर्छ र नेता तथा पदाधिकारीको तत्काल व्यवस्था हुनर्ुपर्छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे आफ्नै संरचनाभित्र पनि एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनलाई सुदृढ पार्दै प्रभावकारी रूपले क्रियाशील बनाउन तत्काल आवश्यक कदम चाल्नर्ुपर्छ । पार्टर्ीीे एकीकरणका सभापति गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला र नेता शेरबहादुर देउवाद्वारा हस्ताक्षरित घोषणापत्रलाई महासमितिको निर्ण्र्ाानुसार पार्टर्ीीवधानको अंगकै रूपमा व्यवस्था गरिएको छ । त्यसका बु“दाहरू केही कार्यान्वयन भएका छन् । धेरै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा बु“दा कार्यान्वयन हुन बा“की छन् । पार्टर्ीीे केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिमा १५ जना मनोनयन गर्न बा“की सदस्यको मनोनयन पूरा गर्नुपर्ने छ । २७ सदस्यीय केन्द्रीय कार्य सम्पादन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । २१ वटा विभागको विभागीय प्रमुखको मनोनयन र त्यसका लागि सदस्यसमेतको गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ ।
त्यस्तै जिल्ला, क्षेत्रीय, गाउ“, नगर समितिहरूको संगठनात्मक संरचना सम्बन्धमा गर्नुपर्ने बा“की काम गर्न लगाउनर्ुपर्छ । िक्रयाशील सदस्यहरू सूचीलाई एकीकृत गर्नुपर्छ । -यसका लागि दुवै मुख्य सचिवलाई जिम्मा लगाइसकिएको छ ।) अनुशासन समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । उजुरीमाथि छानबिन र निर्ण्र्ाागर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । विधान परिमार्जन गर्न विधान समिति गठन गर्नुपर्ने छ । पार्टर्ीीे विधान परिमार्जन गर्दा संघीय संरचनातिर उन्मुख अवधारणा र स्वरूपलाई ध्यानमा राख्नु उपयुक्त हुन्छ ।
संरचना तत्काल गठन सक्रिय भएमा प्रथमतः एकीकरणले पर्ूण्ाता पाई संगठनका गतिविधि अगाडि बढ्दै जाने छन् । यसका साथै केन्द्रबाट विभिन्न मितिमा एकीकरण लगायतका सम्बन्धमा आवश्यक निर्देशन सबै जिल्ला र निकायका मातहतमा पठाइएको छ । त्यसमध्ये आंशिक रूपमा लागू भएको तर धेरैजसो लागू हुन बा“की छन् । क्षेत्रीय सभापति, गाउ“ र नगर सभापतिहरूमा आलोपालो सभापतित्व गर्ने व्यवस्थाले समस्या छ । जिल्लाका सभापति र सहसभापतिबीच पनि समझदारी अभावले केही समस्या छ । यसका लागि केन्द्रको परिपत्र कार्यान्वयन गराउन र आवश्यक निर्ण्र्ाास्थलगत रूपमा लिने गरी केन्द्रबाट दर्ुइ दर्ुइजना प्रतिनिधि पठाउनुपर्ने आवश्यक देखिन्छ ।
त्यस्तै भ्रातृसंगठन एवं शुभेच्छुक संघसंगठनबारे एकीकरण पत्रको व्यवस्थाअनुसार र केन्द्रबाट पठाएको निर्देशनअनुसार कार्यान्वयन गराउन आवश्यक देखिन्छ । महिला संघ, आदिवासी जनजाति संघ, दलित संघ, भूपू सैनिक संघ, सांस्कृतिक संघ, ट्रेड युनियनमा एकीकरणका सर्न्दर्भमा केन्द्रीय तहमा खासै समस्या परेको देखि“दैन तर नेविसंघ, तरुण दल, किसान संघमा एकीकरणलाई पर्ूण्ाता दिन र संगठनको सक्रियता अभिवृद्धि गर्न पार्टर्ीीेन्द्रबाट थप समन्वय र निर्देशनको आवश्यकता छ ।
पार्टर्ीीे परिपत्रबारे प्रस्ट अर्थ नबुझी पनि केही समस्या परेको देखिन्छ । विभाग गठन भएमा सम्बन्धित विभागमार्फ सम्बन्धित भ्रातृ वा शुभेच्छुक संगठनको समन्वय र निर्देशनमा कार्य गर्न गराउन उपयुक्त एवं प्रभावकारी हुने छ । विभाग निर्माण गर्दा दलितहरूस“ग सम्बन्धित विभाग छुटेकाले आदिवासी जनजाति र दलित विभागका रूपमा नामकरण गर्न उपयुक्त हुन्छ । त्यस्तै मुसलमानका लागि पनि एउटा छुट्टै समन्वय समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
अन्तर्रर्ााट्रय समुदायबीच पार्टर्ीीे दृष्टिकोण स्पष्ट पार्न आवश्यक छ । त्यस्तै जिल्लाबाट आएका उजुरीमाथि निर्ण्र्ाागरेर अनुशासन कायम गर्नु आवश्यक छ । विवाद मिलाउन आवश्यक छ । कानुनी समस्याका लागि कानुनी सेल आवश्यक छ । यी सबैका लागि सम्बन्धित विभाग, समिति वा सेलहरूको तत्काल गठन गरी पार्टर्ीीई सक्रिय
तुल्याइने छ ।
द्वन्द्वपीडितको समस्या हर्ेन पनि एउटा छुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु उपयुक्त देखिन्छ । कार्यालयमा प्राप्त विवरणअनुसार माओवादीबाट कांग्रेसका मात्र ६०३ जनाको हत्या, ३०६ जनाको अंगभंग, १३७९ जनाको सम्पत्ति कब्जा गरी हालसम्म फिर्ता नगरिएको अवस्था छ । त्यस्तै २९८६ परिवार संख्या विस्थापित र १५७ जना अपहरण गरी बेपत्ता बनाएको अवस्था छ ।
नया“ संविधानको निर्माण र संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक संरचना निर्माणका लागि र्सवाधिक महत्त्वका साथ दुइटा छुट्टाछुट्टै समिति गठन गर्नु अत्यावश्यक छ । एउटा संविधान मस्यौदा सुझाव समिति र अर्को संघीय संरचना मस्यौदा समिति । यी दुवैले छुट्टाछुट्टै रूपमा देशभरि छलफल, संवाद, अन्तरक्रिया, गोष्ठी आदिद्वारा बहस चलाई पार्टर्ीीे धारणा बनाउने र राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको निर्माण गर्ने कार्यमा योगदान पुर्याउनुपर्ने हुन्छ ।
यही भदौ १६ गते पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन भएको ३ वर्षपुग्दै छ । तर्सथ पार्टर्ीीे म्याद थप्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । यसका लागि पनि तत्काल निर्ण्र्ाालिनु उपयुक्त हुने छ । विगतका बैठकमा केन्द्रीय सदस्यबाट पार्टर्ीीे महाधिवेशन वा महासमिति बोलाउनुपर्ने विचार आएका छन् । एकीकरण भएपछि संगठनलाई सुसंगठित स्वरूप दिन उपयुक्त विचार हो । महाधिवेशन गर्न यसपर्ूव सबै तयारी गर्न आवश्यक हुन्छ । जस्तैः एकीकरणपछि सात सातजना गरी चौध महाधिवेशन प्रतिनिधि रहेका छन् । पहिले महाधिवेशन हु“दाका २०५ निर्वाचन क्षेत्र थिए, अहिले बढेर २४० भएका छन् । त्यसलाई पनि विधिवत् नया“ ढंगले व्यवस्थित गरी प्रतिनिधि चयन गर्नुपर्छ । यी विषयसमेत पार्टर्ीीे संरचनालाई समावेशी बनाउन पनि विधान संशोधन आवश्यक छ ।
क्रियाशील सदस्यको अभिलेखलाई एकीकृत गरी गाउ“ तहबाट अधिवेशन प्रारम्भ गरेर क्षेत्र र जिल्लाहरू समेतको अधिवेशन सम्पन्न गरी राष्ट्रिय महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न गर्नु विधिसम्मत हुन्छ । यी सबै कार्य चरणबद्ध गर्न पनि यथाशीघ्र एकीकरणस“ग सम्बन्धित बा“की रहेका विषय कार्यान्वयन गरी पर्ूण्ाता दिनु आवश्यक देखिन्छ । एकीकरणको घोषणापत्रमा रहेका बु“दा र केन्द्रका नीतिनिर्देशन तत्काल कार्यान्वयन गर्न सबैको ध्यान जानु आवश्यक छ । यसका साथै आश्विनको पहिलो सप्ताहमा देशभरका सभापति र सहसभापतिहरूको ३/४ दिनको सम्मेलनको काठमाडौंमा आयोजना गरेर संगठन एकीकरण र सुदृढीकरण अभियान थाल्नु र्सवाधिक उपयुक्त हुने छ ।
-भदौ ९ गतेदेखि जारी नेपाली कांग्रेस केन्द्रीय कार्यसमितिको बैठकमा महामन्त्री निधिद्वारा प्रस्तुत राजनीतिक प्रतिवेदनको अंश)
Posted on: 2008-08-30 21:33:18
Sunday, May 25, 2008
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सञ्जय उपाध्याय
नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसभित्र उठेको सत्ता छाड्नुपर्ने र नेकपा माओवादीका लागि र ाजनीतिक मैदान खाली गर्न नहुने दुवै तर्कले सो पार्टर्ीी मुलुकमा ओगटेको विशिष्ट स्थानलाई प्रतिविम्बित गर ेको छ । काङ्ग्रेसले सधै“ आफूलाई प्रजातन्त्रको पर्याय ठान्दै आउनु अन्य दलका लागि जति अप्रिय भए पनि सो चित्रणस“ग पर्ूण्ातः असहमत हुन सकिने अवस्था छैन ।
२००७, ०४६ र ०६३ सालका आन्दोलनहरूको नेतृत्व गैर काङ्ग्रेसी -अर्थात्, नेपाली सर्न्दर्भमा वामपन्थी) दलले गर ेको भए तिनले हाम्रँे भूर ाजनीतिक संवेदनशीलताका माझ कस्तो अन्तर्र ाष्ट्रिय र्समर्थन पाउने थिए भनेर ठम्याउन त्यति गाह्रँे पर्दैन । तत्कालीन सर कार हरूलाई पनि आन्दोलनको प्रतिकार गर्न निकै सजिलो हुन्थ्यो होला ।
तर , हाम्रँसामु कटु यथार्थ के पनि हो भने ०१७ र ०५९ सालका र ाजनीतिक दर्ुघटनाका कार क पनि काङ्ग्रेस नै बन्यो । दर बार लाई जति सर ापे पनि घटनाक्रमको विकासलाई लुकाउन सकिन्न । सत्तँबाहिर र ह“दा कैयौ“ प्रतिकूलतामाझ प्रजातन्त्रप्रति त्यसर ी समर्पित र हन सक्ने दलले सर कार मा छ“दा त्यसको संर क्षण गर्न नसक्नुमा प्रतिस्पर्धीहरूस“ग उसले बढाएको दूर ीका साथै आन्तरि क कलह जिम्मेवार रहेका छन् ।
विचार एउटा शाश्वत आदर्शभन्दा पनि सङ् गठनलाई साकार स्वरूप दिने विविध स्वार्थ समूहहरू समायोजन गर्ने अस्त्र बनेको दलमा र्सतर्कता र सावधानीको निर न्तर ता झनै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा हुनुपर्ने हो । तर , प्रजातन्त्र आगमनलाई नै अन्तिम सफलता मान्ने काङ्ग्रेसी धृष्टताको मूल्य सार ा मुलुकले तिर्दै आएको हाम्रँे इतिहास छ ।
संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा काङ्ग्रेसले दोस्रो स्थान पाउ“दा त्यसलाई र्'र्समनाक' भन्न नेताहरूले छोड्न सकेका छैनन् । त्यसो त वामपन्थी मत दर्ुइ ठूला दलमा विभाजित हु“दा पनि फाइदा लिन नसकेको पीडा असह्य हुने नै भयो । प्रधानमन्त्रीको पद र प्रमुख मन्त्रालयहरू आफूस“गै हु“दा पनि माओवादीहरूले त्यसर ी जित्न सक्नुले काङ्ग्रेसीहरूलाई अझ पोलेको हुनर्ुपर्दछ
सङ्गठनमा मौलाएको चर म नातावाद र कृपावाद, भ्रष्टाचार मा आर ोपित नेताहरूलाई पार्टर्ीी दिएको प्रश्रय एवम् नेताहरूको सत्तामा पुगेपछि प्रजातान्त्रिक मूल्य र मान्यता बिर्सने प्रवृत्तिजस्ता विषयहरू स्वयम् काङ्ग्रेसीहरूले औ“ल्याउने गर ेको धेर ै भइसक्यो । तर , यसपालि त दल परि चयको सङ्कटमै पर्यो ।
प्रधानमन्त्री गिरि जाप्रसाद कोइर ालाले शान्तिप्रक्रियालाई जसर ी भए पनि कायम र ाख्ने नाममा आफ्नै दलका असहमतिहरू बेवास्ता गर्दै माओवादीका र्सत एकपछि अर्को मान्दै गए । उता कोइर ाला परि वार भित्र उत्तर ाधिकार ी हुने होडमा कसैले दर बार त कसैले माओवादीलाई समाउन पुगे । पार्टर्ीीकीकर ण भएपछि पनि दुवै खेमाका नेताहरूले भावनात्मक एकता भइनसकेको र्सार्वजनिक घोषणा गर्न छाडेनन् ।
बीपी कोइर ालाको र ाष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीतिको पुनःव्याख्या गर्ने क्रममा काङ्ग्रेसीहरूले कृष्णप्रसाद भट्टरर् ाई र तार ानाथ र ानाभाटजस्ता नेताहरूलाई प्रतिगामीको बिल्ला भिर ाइदिए । अहिले आएर र ाजावादीको कम्तीमा १० प्रतिशत मत हुनैपथ्र्यो र त्यो सबै कुनै षड्यन्त्रका आधार मा माओवादीलाई गएको गुनासो गर ेर मात्र के गर्ने -
संविधानसभा, गणतन्त्र, समावेशी र ाज्य संर चनाजस्ता नार ा माओवादीकै थियो । र ाजतन्त्रस“ग नाता तोडे पनि काङ् ग्रेसले धर्म, पर म्पर ा र संस्कृतिका सकार ात्मक सन्देशलाई अघि बढाउन सक्ने थियो । यथास्िथतिवादलाई समूल तिर स्कार गर्न काङ्ग्रेसलाई उसको चरि त्र र व्यवहार ले नै दि“दैन थियो । क्रान्तिकार ी बन्ने होडमा ऊ पछाडि पर्नु नै थियो र पर्यो पनि ।
एक जुगमा एकपल्ट मात्र आउने भनिएको दिनले पनि विगतका संसदीय निर्वाचनहरूभन्दा त्यस्तो उल्लेख्य सङ्ख्यामा मतदाता आकर्षा गर्न सकेन । डर -त्रासका भर मा माओवादीहरूले चुनाव जिते भनेर टाउको ठटाएर के गर्ने - समग्र चुनाव अभियानलाई स्वदेशी र विदेशी अनुगमनकर्ताका आ“खैमुनि आफू अनुकूल बनाउ“दा काङ् ग्रेस बेखबर र हनुको जिम्मा माओवादीहरूले लिने कुर ै भएन ।
जनादेशको कदर गर्दै मूलधार मा अग्रस्थान बनाउन सफल पर्ूवव्रि्रोहीलाई सर कार बनाउन दिनुपर्ने ठहर नितान्त प्रजातान्त्रिक नै हो । तर , चुनावपछि पनि वचन र कर्मले प्रतिस्पर्धामूलक बहुदलीय पद्धत्रि्रति पर्ूण्ा निष्ठा देखाउन नसकेको दलका हातमा सत्तँको बागडोर सुम्पन्न तत्पर नहुनुलाई अप्रजातान्त्रिक भनिहाल्न पनि सजिलो छैन । अन्य कुनै दलले यसर ी जनमतद्वार ा आफूभन्दा ठूलो सावित भएको सङ्गठनलाई सत्तँ हस्तान्तर ण गर्न आनाकानी गर ेको भए अन्तर्र ाष्ट्रिय समुदायको धर्ैय पहिल्यै टुटिसक्ने थियो ।
काङ्ग्रेसको पर ाजयका कार णहरू जेजस्ता भए पनि त्यो घातकचाहि“ पक्कै होइन । प्रजातन्त्रको प्रभामण्डल ऊस“गै सुर क्षित छ । कम्तीमा एमालेले नाम र झन्डा नफेर ेसम्म यो र ाजनीतिक पु“जीमा काङ्ग्रेसी एकाधिकार र हिर हनेछ । यसमा काङ्ग्रेसले गौर व मान्न सक्छ भने घमण्ड गर्न पनि सक्छ ।
सञ्जय उपाध्याय
नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसभित्र उठेको सत्ता छाड्नुपर्ने र नेकपा माओवादीका लागि र ाजनीतिक मैदान खाली गर्न नहुने दुवै तर्कले सो पार्टर्ीी मुलुकमा ओगटेको विशिष्ट स्थानलाई प्रतिविम्बित गर ेको छ । काङ्ग्रेसले सधै“ आफूलाई प्रजातन्त्रको पर्याय ठान्दै आउनु अन्य दलका लागि जति अप्रिय भए पनि सो चित्रणस“ग पर्ूण्ातः असहमत हुन सकिने अवस्था छैन ।
२००७, ०४६ र ०६३ सालका आन्दोलनहरूको नेतृत्व गैर काङ्ग्रेसी -अर्थात्, नेपाली सर्न्दर्भमा वामपन्थी) दलले गर ेको भए तिनले हाम्रँे भूर ाजनीतिक संवेदनशीलताका माझ कस्तो अन्तर्र ाष्ट्रिय र्समर्थन पाउने थिए भनेर ठम्याउन त्यति गाह्रँे पर्दैन । तत्कालीन सर कार हरूलाई पनि आन्दोलनको प्रतिकार गर्न निकै सजिलो हुन्थ्यो होला ।
तर , हाम्रँसामु कटु यथार्थ के पनि हो भने ०१७ र ०५९ सालका र ाजनीतिक दर्ुघटनाका कार क पनि काङ्ग्रेस नै बन्यो । दर बार लाई जति सर ापे पनि घटनाक्रमको विकासलाई लुकाउन सकिन्न । सत्तँबाहिर र ह“दा कैयौ“ प्रतिकूलतामाझ प्रजातन्त्रप्रति त्यसर ी समर्पित र हन सक्ने दलले सर कार मा छ“दा त्यसको संर क्षण गर्न नसक्नुमा प्रतिस्पर्धीहरूस“ग उसले बढाएको दूर ीका साथै आन्तरि क कलह जिम्मेवार रहेका छन् ।
विचार एउटा शाश्वत आदर्शभन्दा पनि सङ् गठनलाई साकार स्वरूप दिने विविध स्वार्थ समूहहरू समायोजन गर्ने अस्त्र बनेको दलमा र्सतर्कता र सावधानीको निर न्तर ता झनै महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा हुनुपर्ने हो । तर , प्रजातन्त्र आगमनलाई नै अन्तिम सफलता मान्ने काङ्ग्रेसी धृष्टताको मूल्य सार ा मुलुकले तिर्दै आएको हाम्रँे इतिहास छ ।
संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा काङ्ग्रेसले दोस्रो स्थान पाउ“दा त्यसलाई र्'र्समनाक' भन्न नेताहरूले छोड्न सकेका छैनन् । त्यसो त वामपन्थी मत दर्ुइ ठूला दलमा विभाजित हु“दा पनि फाइदा लिन नसकेको पीडा असह्य हुने नै भयो । प्रधानमन्त्रीको पद र प्रमुख मन्त्रालयहरू आफूस“गै हु“दा पनि माओवादीहरूले त्यसर ी जित्न सक्नुले काङ्ग्रेसीहरूलाई अझ पोलेको हुनर्ुपर्दछ
सङ्गठनमा मौलाएको चर म नातावाद र कृपावाद, भ्रष्टाचार मा आर ोपित नेताहरूलाई पार्टर्ीी दिएको प्रश्रय एवम् नेताहरूको सत्तामा पुगेपछि प्रजातान्त्रिक मूल्य र मान्यता बिर्सने प्रवृत्तिजस्ता विषयहरू स्वयम् काङ्ग्रेसीहरूले औ“ल्याउने गर ेको धेर ै भइसक्यो । तर , यसपालि त दल परि चयको सङ्कटमै पर्यो ।
प्रधानमन्त्री गिरि जाप्रसाद कोइर ालाले शान्तिप्रक्रियालाई जसर ी भए पनि कायम र ाख्ने नाममा आफ्नै दलका असहमतिहरू बेवास्ता गर्दै माओवादीका र्सत एकपछि अर्को मान्दै गए । उता कोइर ाला परि वार भित्र उत्तर ाधिकार ी हुने होडमा कसैले दर बार त कसैले माओवादीलाई समाउन पुगे । पार्टर्ीीकीकर ण भएपछि पनि दुवै खेमाका नेताहरूले भावनात्मक एकता भइनसकेको र्सार्वजनिक घोषणा गर्न छाडेनन् ।
बीपी कोइर ालाको र ाष्ट्रिय मेलमिलाप नीतिको पुनःव्याख्या गर्ने क्रममा काङ्ग्रेसीहरूले कृष्णप्रसाद भट्टरर् ाई र तार ानाथ र ानाभाटजस्ता नेताहरूलाई प्रतिगामीको बिल्ला भिर ाइदिए । अहिले आएर र ाजावादीको कम्तीमा १० प्रतिशत मत हुनैपथ्र्यो र त्यो सबै कुनै षड्यन्त्रका आधार मा माओवादीलाई गएको गुनासो गर ेर मात्र के गर्ने -
संविधानसभा, गणतन्त्र, समावेशी र ाज्य संर चनाजस्ता नार ा माओवादीकै थियो । र ाजतन्त्रस“ग नाता तोडे पनि काङ् ग्रेसले धर्म, पर म्पर ा र संस्कृतिका सकार ात्मक सन्देशलाई अघि बढाउन सक्ने थियो । यथास्िथतिवादलाई समूल तिर स्कार गर्न काङ्ग्रेसलाई उसको चरि त्र र व्यवहार ले नै दि“दैन थियो । क्रान्तिकार ी बन्ने होडमा ऊ पछाडि पर्नु नै थियो र पर्यो पनि ।
एक जुगमा एकपल्ट मात्र आउने भनिएको दिनले पनि विगतका संसदीय निर्वाचनहरूभन्दा त्यस्तो उल्लेख्य सङ्ख्यामा मतदाता आकर्षा गर्न सकेन । डर -त्रासका भर मा माओवादीहरूले चुनाव जिते भनेर टाउको ठटाएर के गर्ने - समग्र चुनाव अभियानलाई स्वदेशी र विदेशी अनुगमनकर्ताका आ“खैमुनि आफू अनुकूल बनाउ“दा काङ् ग्रेस बेखबर र हनुको जिम्मा माओवादीहरूले लिने कुर ै भएन ।
जनादेशको कदर गर्दै मूलधार मा अग्रस्थान बनाउन सफल पर्ूवव्रि्रोहीलाई सर कार बनाउन दिनुपर्ने ठहर नितान्त प्रजातान्त्रिक नै हो । तर , चुनावपछि पनि वचन र कर्मले प्रतिस्पर्धामूलक बहुदलीय पद्धत्रि्रति पर्ूण्ा निष्ठा देखाउन नसकेको दलका हातमा सत्तँको बागडोर सुम्पन्न तत्पर नहुनुलाई अप्रजातान्त्रिक भनिहाल्न पनि सजिलो छैन । अन्य कुनै दलले यसर ी जनमतद्वार ा आफूभन्दा ठूलो सावित भएको सङ्गठनलाई सत्तँ हस्तान्तर ण गर्न आनाकानी गर ेको भए अन्तर्र ाष्ट्रिय समुदायको धर्ैय पहिल्यै टुटिसक्ने थियो ।
काङ्ग्रेसको पर ाजयका कार णहरू जेजस्ता भए पनि त्यो घातकचाहि“ पक्कै होइन । प्रजातन्त्रको प्रभामण्डल ऊस“गै सुर क्षित छ । कम्तीमा एमालेले नाम र झन्डा नफेर ेसम्म यो र ाजनीतिक पु“जीमा काङ्ग्रेसी एकाधिकार र हिर हनेछ । यसमा काङ्ग्रेसले गौर व मान्न सक्छ भने घमण्ड गर्न पनि सक्छ ।
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
Implications of a hung CA
By DR BIPIN ADHIKARI
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=146272
The Kathmandu Post, May 8, 2008
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007, which pledged a Constituent Assembly (CA) to the people, has done so without enumerating its constituent powers whatsoever.
All that this constitution provides for is a guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to participate in a free and impartial election to the CA and frame a constitution for themselves through this organ. The Interim Constitution does not guarantee that the sovereign house will have no limitations in its constituent powers or that it will not be constrained by the decisions of the interim legislature or the interim government on the basis of this constitution or by any executive agreement that it has signed with rebellious groups in the pre-election period.
As such, the guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to frame a new constitution does not imply the unencumbered sovereign capacity of the CA to draft a new constitution of its choice without any limitations on its powers.
The assembly is intended to operate within two concrete a priori formulations. Article 159 declares that (a) Nepal shall be a federal state and (b) a country with a democratic republican setup. The first formulation concerns sharing of sovereign powers between political units, which do not exist till now in the Nepali consciousness, and the second concerns dispensing with the monarchy, which allegedly lost its credibility in the fight against the Maoists.
As to these preconditions, while the nature of the federal state is something still to be worked on, Article 159 requires that the transition to a republic be made at the first meeting of the CA. To give effect to this formulation, the parties in the alliance even dropped the clause requiring a simple parliamentary majority by the third amendment to the Constitution.
It is just by chance that the operation of this provision is tied to Article 75 which ensures that all questions submitted for a decision to the CA, except as otherwise provided in Part 7 of the constitution, must be decided by a majority vote of the members present and voting. Accordingly, the alleged first meeting must also pass a motion to this effect by a working majority in the House in order to abolish the monarchy.
Similarly, the constitutional declaration that Nepal shall be a federal state comes ahead of its due date. Ordinarily, it is the elected delegates of the CA, who have the responsibility of deciding what form of government is best for Nepal, who should make the decision. With this clause inserted into the constitution, the debate has now been carefully shifted to the issue of autonomy, which had not been the demand of the natives of this country so far.
This shows the enormity of the contradictions that the CA finds itself in. A genuine CA by definition can only be convoked under conditions of full democratic liberties of the delegates, permitting the participation of all the parties concerned, and without any external or internal limitations on its constitution making powers.
A CA is not a legislature that is supposed to be governed under express or implied limitations on its constituent powers. It is a self-sufficient source of power from which all specifics of a state are to be derived. As a corollary, it should be able to exert paramount control over the constitution while making the frame of the government and its administration. While the Interim Constitution might have given birth to the CA in the normal course of political development, the assembly can chart out its future ways without any guidance from the parent document and forge ahead with its own terms and conditions. Otherwise, there is no difference between a normal legislature and a CA intending to give a fresh start.
However, the faulty Interim Constitution has outsmarted its architects in two very surprising ways. First, as far as the general rule of the constitution is concerned, the members of the CA must vote on each and every article of the draft constitution in order to pass it; and failing unanimous passage of the motion, at least two-thirds of the total members of the CA must give it a unanimous exit to turn it into the new constitution.
So, even if the first meeting of the assembly, for example, were to abolish the monarchy and establish a republican state by a simple majority, the move cannot in anyway pre-empt the power of the CA members to reintroduce a new motion restoring the monarchy in due time and pass it by a two-thirds majority. There is nothing in the constitution which can restrain this motion; and as long as there are people in the House to table such a motion and to support it by a required strength, the monarch is here to stay. This means that, contrary to popular belief, the king's fate will remain undecided until the new constitution is promulgated. Same with the declaration of a federal state.
Secondly, the faulty system of proportional representation that the architects of the Interim Constitution introduced with little knowledge of the ensuing structure has already generated a mixed political lot in the assembly. As no party has an outright majority, what we have is a hung CA, and there are many parties in the House which do not share the political platform of the Seven-Party Alliance (which had monopolized the process of drafting the Interim Constitution). The House is compelled to work with these uneasy political partners.
As the constitution does not provide for the dissolution of the assembly on any ground, except when the objective has been accomplished, a hung assembly is bound to work out either a coalition government or a minority government with the support of these backbenchers. The requirement of a two-thirds majority in the constitution making process will force the ruling elite to redefine issues like federalism and monarchy in the overall context of the state's restructuring. The smaller parties in power will make a lot of difference when major constitutional policies are sorted out in the House.
There are some who have already started an exercise (in futility) to help produce a national government eliminating the prospect of any opposition in the constitution making process. The Seven-Party Alliance is almost an exercise of this type, which has already served its purpose. But it is inconceivable that it can continue any longer in the new scenario. In any case, such a national government has a very poor reputation historically. Whether it is the national government of GP Koirala (2006-08) or of British Prime Ministers Ramsay MacDonald, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain (which held office from 1931 until 1940), all have been a liability to the nation. Fortunately, a loyal opposition is going to be prominent in Nepal for the next two years. This opposition is going to make sure that the nation is in safe hands.
Additionally, a coalition government led by a party which has lost its credibility before the majority of the people can be equally destructive to the cause of the nation. Nepal is surely familiar with the hung parliament after 1995. It is perhaps not out of place to mention that even in the 1974 general election in the UK, sitting Prime Minister Edward Heath had refused to resign at first, attempting to build a coalition government despite winning fewer seats than the then opposition Labour Party. So if Prime Minister Koirala is still trying to hang on to his post, it should come as no surprise. But the House itself is going to take offence against such ambitions.
The structural limits on the power of the CA and unauthorized normative or inspirational impositions are going to grow fainter due to the operation of the hung CA. This is good for the country.
lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com
Posted on: 2008-05-07 20:01:25 (Server Time)
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=146272
The Kathmandu Post, May 8, 2008
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007, which pledged a Constituent Assembly (CA) to the people, has done so without enumerating its constituent powers whatsoever.
All that this constitution provides for is a guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to participate in a free and impartial election to the CA and frame a constitution for themselves through this organ. The Interim Constitution does not guarantee that the sovereign house will have no limitations in its constituent powers or that it will not be constrained by the decisions of the interim legislature or the interim government on the basis of this constitution or by any executive agreement that it has signed with rebellious groups in the pre-election period.
As such, the guarantee of the basic rights of the Nepali people to frame a new constitution does not imply the unencumbered sovereign capacity of the CA to draft a new constitution of its choice without any limitations on its powers.
The assembly is intended to operate within two concrete a priori formulations. Article 159 declares that (a) Nepal shall be a federal state and (b) a country with a democratic republican setup. The first formulation concerns sharing of sovereign powers between political units, which do not exist till now in the Nepali consciousness, and the second concerns dispensing with the monarchy, which allegedly lost its credibility in the fight against the Maoists.
As to these preconditions, while the nature of the federal state is something still to be worked on, Article 159 requires that the transition to a republic be made at the first meeting of the CA. To give effect to this formulation, the parties in the alliance even dropped the clause requiring a simple parliamentary majority by the third amendment to the Constitution.
It is just by chance that the operation of this provision is tied to Article 75 which ensures that all questions submitted for a decision to the CA, except as otherwise provided in Part 7 of the constitution, must be decided by a majority vote of the members present and voting. Accordingly, the alleged first meeting must also pass a motion to this effect by a working majority in the House in order to abolish the monarchy.
Similarly, the constitutional declaration that Nepal shall be a federal state comes ahead of its due date. Ordinarily, it is the elected delegates of the CA, who have the responsibility of deciding what form of government is best for Nepal, who should make the decision. With this clause inserted into the constitution, the debate has now been carefully shifted to the issue of autonomy, which had not been the demand of the natives of this country so far.
This shows the enormity of the contradictions that the CA finds itself in. A genuine CA by definition can only be convoked under conditions of full democratic liberties of the delegates, permitting the participation of all the parties concerned, and without any external or internal limitations on its constitution making powers.
A CA is not a legislature that is supposed to be governed under express or implied limitations on its constituent powers. It is a self-sufficient source of power from which all specifics of a state are to be derived. As a corollary, it should be able to exert paramount control over the constitution while making the frame of the government and its administration. While the Interim Constitution might have given birth to the CA in the normal course of political development, the assembly can chart out its future ways without any guidance from the parent document and forge ahead with its own terms and conditions. Otherwise, there is no difference between a normal legislature and a CA intending to give a fresh start.
However, the faulty Interim Constitution has outsmarted its architects in two very surprising ways. First, as far as the general rule of the constitution is concerned, the members of the CA must vote on each and every article of the draft constitution in order to pass it; and failing unanimous passage of the motion, at least two-thirds of the total members of the CA must give it a unanimous exit to turn it into the new constitution.
So, even if the first meeting of the assembly, for example, were to abolish the monarchy and establish a republican state by a simple majority, the move cannot in anyway pre-empt the power of the CA members to reintroduce a new motion restoring the monarchy in due time and pass it by a two-thirds majority. There is nothing in the constitution which can restrain this motion; and as long as there are people in the House to table such a motion and to support it by a required strength, the monarch is here to stay. This means that, contrary to popular belief, the king's fate will remain undecided until the new constitution is promulgated. Same with the declaration of a federal state.
Secondly, the faulty system of proportional representation that the architects of the Interim Constitution introduced with little knowledge of the ensuing structure has already generated a mixed political lot in the assembly. As no party has an outright majority, what we have is a hung CA, and there are many parties in the House which do not share the political platform of the Seven-Party Alliance (which had monopolized the process of drafting the Interim Constitution). The House is compelled to work with these uneasy political partners.
As the constitution does not provide for the dissolution of the assembly on any ground, except when the objective has been accomplished, a hung assembly is bound to work out either a coalition government or a minority government with the support of these backbenchers. The requirement of a two-thirds majority in the constitution making process will force the ruling elite to redefine issues like federalism and monarchy in the overall context of the state's restructuring. The smaller parties in power will make a lot of difference when major constitutional policies are sorted out in the House.
There are some who have already started an exercise (in futility) to help produce a national government eliminating the prospect of any opposition in the constitution making process. The Seven-Party Alliance is almost an exercise of this type, which has already served its purpose. But it is inconceivable that it can continue any longer in the new scenario. In any case, such a national government has a very poor reputation historically. Whether it is the national government of GP Koirala (2006-08) or of British Prime Ministers Ramsay MacDonald, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain (which held office from 1931 until 1940), all have been a liability to the nation. Fortunately, a loyal opposition is going to be prominent in Nepal for the next two years. This opposition is going to make sure that the nation is in safe hands.
Additionally, a coalition government led by a party which has lost its credibility before the majority of the people can be equally destructive to the cause of the nation. Nepal is surely familiar with the hung parliament after 1995. It is perhaps not out of place to mention that even in the 1974 general election in the UK, sitting Prime Minister Edward Heath had refused to resign at first, attempting to build a coalition government despite winning fewer seats than the then opposition Labour Party. So if Prime Minister Koirala is still trying to hang on to his post, it should come as no surprise. But the House itself is going to take offence against such ambitions.
The structural limits on the power of the CA and unauthorized normative or inspirational impositions are going to grow fainter due to the operation of the hung CA. This is good for the country.
lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com
Posted on: 2008-05-07 20:01:25 (Server Time)
Sunday, May 4, 2008
Inexplicable Results
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/contents/2008/englishweekly/spotlight/apr/apr18/coverstory.php
VOL. 27, NO. 31, April 18, 2008 (Baishakh 06 2065 B.S.)
Wining majority from out of 240 seats allotted for first-past -post system, the CPN-Maoist, which is yet to receive global recognition as a mainstream party, has turned Nepal, a back water of world's largest democratic country, into a red field. Although the counting of votes for another 335 seats allotted for the proportional representative system is yet to complete, it is almost certain that CPN-Maoist is going to emerge as the single largest party in the Constituent Assembly Elections 2008. The result is inexplicable but CPN-Maoist, a party which fought a decade long violent insurgency – got the mandate in an election which international observers described as free and fair. In a country where a minority government of CPN-UML collapsed in nine months, how long another government led by a radical Maoist will be watched with great interest
By KESHAB POUDEL
"The results of the present election were unexpected. We had not imagined that our party will win such a large number of seats," said CPN-Maoist leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai to The Kathmandu Post.
"This result surprised us as our candidates have suffered badly," said CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, who resigned just a few days back following the election results.
"How the Maoists won the election in so many places is surprising," said Nepali Congress leader Sher Bahadur Deuba, after his victory in two constituencies in far western districts.
Prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who was congratulated by international observers including former American president Jimmy Carter, too, is shocked by the results. "I didn't imagine that our party will be rooted out in such a manner. Just wait for few more days before deciding to quit the government," prime minister Koirala told his colleagues who had gone to meet him at his residence in Baluwatar on Monday.
Not only the top leaders, common people in the streets, too, are very surprised to see the outcome. This is the reason there is no jubilation and happiness despite the wave of victory in favor of the Maoists and there is no spontaneous support and jubilant mass of the people. The only persons participating in the election rallies are the party cadres.
Constitutional Provisions
With the elections to the Constituent Assembly accomplished, the focus of political debate in Nepal has at once shifted from the electoral issues to the issues involving formation of a new government according to the fresh mandate.
“But in the absence of a clear direction under the Constitution, which suffers from many deliberate lacunas and caveats, a very constitutional process is about to be handled in a very controversial way. It is giving the impression that even after housing 601 assemblymen, freshly elected and nominated, the culture of ad hocism does not intend to disappear,” said Dr Bipin Adhikari, lawyer and constitutional analyst.
According to Article 38(1) of the Interim Constitution, the Prime Minister is to be appointed on the basis of political consensus. “There is no provision in the Constitution as to who should initiate the process; how it should be done; and whether there are standards of conduct to get it done. Political consensus is the rule even if there is a majority party in the House. Although the Council of Ministers is to be formed under the Prime Minister's chairmanship, the Council itself is to be the product of political consensus. In this jurisprudence of consensus, the difference between those who have more popular support, and those who have barely survived, is not constitutionally recognized. So, essentially, a majority Prime Minister has no majoritarian power, even if that means disregard to the voters, and the fresh mandate the voters have conferred on the Prime Minister,” said Dr. Adhikari.
The Constitution clearly states that if consensus cannot be reached as above, the Prime Minister shall be elected by a majority of two-thirds of the members of the Constituent Assembly. Even if this provision is rationalised as a stimulant towards consensual process of constitution making, it does not stand out as an acceptable rule of law.
According to Dr. Adhikari, a unicameral house of 601 person is a very loud arrangement. It is impracticable also because the interim Constitution has not provided any mini-legislature within the Constituent Assembly to work on legislative and policy issues so that these jobs are done professionally, and through a deliberative process. It is too much for all 601 assembly men to work in the Constituent Assembly as legislators, and in a meaningful way.
The present result of first-past-post system is just one of the forms decided to elect the members for Constituent Assembly as there is just 240 seats allotted under this system.
According to article 63 of the Interim Constitution, the constituent assembly consists of 601 members. Under the proportional representation system there will be 335 members, 240 under the first-past-post system and 26 are nominated on the recommendation of the cabinet.
For the purpose of this constitution "political consensus" means the political consensus reached between the seven political parties- Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (UML), Janmoracha Nepal, Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandadevi), Nepal Majdur Kishan Party, Samyukta Janmorcha and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).
After 1995 when CPN-UML formed a government as a single largest party, this is first time in the history of Nepal when communist party with radical ideology has won such a large seats in the election held under the observation of more than one thousand observers led by former US president Jimmy Carter and United Nations Mission to Nepal.
Despite monitoring by international observers, the election was full of violence and threats. From daughter of prime minister Koirala, Sujata Koirala to many other NC leaders who lost the elections lost due to intimidation and threat.
Even many goons came from across the border to terrorize the voters of Sujata Koirala in her constituency 3 of Sunsari. One of Sujata's workers died in cross firing in the bordering polling booth.
"Don't ask me about election. I cried for help from all sides. I did not receive any support. EC was one sided and administration was not concerned about mass rigging," said Koirala.
Though Nepali voters are hailed as a peaceful and conscious voters, Nepalese have tendencies to back one extreme to another without knowing its fall out. When King dissolved the elected parliament in 2002, people welcomed it by lighting the lamps. In similar way, people welcomed the move of February 1,2006 action of the King. They welcomed the interim government led by Koirala and all its actions without any resentment. In the election, they voted radical communist outfit to power without knowing its implications on their life like in CPN-UML in 1992 elections.
Reasons Behind Election Debacle
Several reasons work for the debacle of two parties. One of the main reasons of debacle of Nepali Congress and CPN-UML is their long negative list. Those who had negative views against those two parties voted Maoists as a next choice.
The second important reason was that voters decided to give a chance to fresh players. At a time when there is no plus point in favor of CPN-UML and Nepali Congress –which followed the Maoist line - people saw the Maoists as better alternative.
Nepali Congress has lost a big monarchist vote bank and people disliked CPN-UML because of its feeble stands on political issues. CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal- who was also a member of constitution drafting committee in 1990, proved to be inconsistent.
Along with others, CPN-UML also gave up its stand on nationalism. CPN-UML was completely silent over the citizenship Act, water resources treaty and other such sentimental issues. Except anti-monarchy posturing, nothing was left to Nepali Congress and CPN-UML to compete with Maoists. However, the Maoists established itself as an anti-monarchical force long before them.
At the last minute, Maoist even issued statement urging Royalist to vote for them.
People have seen Nepali Congress and CPN-UML's role in the government turn by turn. However, among three players, Maoists were untested. This also prompted voters to vote for Maoists.
Other major reason for Maoist victory is deep rooted fear psychology. Rural people decided not to take the risk of voting other parties. When there was a wide spread rumor in the rural areas about Maoist threat and intimidation, no one could dare to risk their life by not voting the Maoists.
Even in his last leg of political campaign, CPN-Maoist leader Prachanda urged his cadres to behave as Gandhiji for seven days. That means they would continue to use drastic methods after the election.
"One of the main reasons behind our devastation is our failure to convince the rural voters that they will be safe after the election for CA," said senior CPN-UML leader Pradeep Nepal.
In an indication of how the Maoists would behave in coming days, on Monday (April 14) Maoists attacked finance minister Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat and his convoy when he was on his way home after winning election in Nuwakot
Because of guarantee of security in urban areas and presence of huge international observers, the population in urban areas did not feel any threat. However, the situation in rural Nepal was very difficult. By winning from a constituency in Rautahat district, a wanted man Babban Singh showed how threat works in rural areas.
The role of unseen power was the most significant to notice. "Maoists have been used for first phase of destabilization in Nepal from 1996-2007 by this unseen power. Now, Maoists can be used for second phase of operation in Nepal to have upper hand in Nepal security," said a political analyst.
International Response
International response to the Maoist victory is positive now. India which has backed Maoists and seven party alliance since November 2006 permitting them to ink the 12 point agreement in New Delhi has already expressed satisfaction. From Indian point of view, this is a great success as they have covertly backed parties and Maoist up to the present point.
Indian ambassador to Nepal Shiv Shanker Mukherjee has already met Maoist leader Prachanda and congratulated him for the success of his party in the election. " India has taken the Maoist victory in constituent assembly elections in Nepal as a positive development," said Indian foreign minister Pranab Mukherjee. "We support the Maoist victory in the April 10 Constituent Assembly election in Nepal and view it as a positive development. The Maoists have successfully taken part in the democratic process. It will now be easier to India to work with the democratically elected government of Nepal."
The United States - which still tags Maoists in its terrorist watch list – has mumbled few words of congratulations for conducting election. For Europeans, they were in constant touch with the Maoist leadership.
Nepal's other neighbor China also expressed satisfaction over the way the constituent assembly election was held.
Lessons For Nepali Congress
Nepali Congress legendary leader B.P. Koirala often said that Nepali Congress has no utility if it gives up the policy of national reconciliation. "If we give up national reconciliation, which is based on nationalism and democracy, our role will diminish. We must understand that we will lose our identity in case we give up national reconciliation," said Koirala in his book King, Nationalism and Politics (Raja, Rastriyata and Rajniti).
"National unity cannot be achieved in vacuum. Which means that the people factor and the monarchy must combine, that there must be total understanding between these two elements of national life. The alternative to this is ruin. That is what I feel and, therefore, I do not contemplate any alternative to this," said B.P. Koirala in his interview to Bhola Chatterji, an Indian journalist in 1979.
However, joining hands with extremists and following their ideology, Nepali Congress has badly suffered in the election. Although he is regarded as a hero by international community, prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala is completely a loser at his end of political carrier. He pushed Nepali Congress from largest party with majority to nowhere.
Challenges For Newly Elected body
The greatest challenge for the elected representatives of the people is to realize their responsibility as trustee of the people – the sovereign. “In no way, this elected body would be under a bondage to follow the diktat of the dubious power centers of the party or elsewhere. Though it was an avoidable game of populism, the CA is a reality. It will have to take up every issue in the constitution making in accordance with the fresh mandate of the people. It is under no compulsion to endorse the ruling or decisions of the previous nominated house of legislators," said the analyst. “The greatest challenge to Nepal at present is a question of survival as a truly independent, democratic and prosperous nation.”
"We will bring peace, stability and prosperity to the people. We will work to protect our independence and sovereignty," said Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda in his victory rally.
While taking about these consensus issues, national unity is the first and foremost task ahead.
"It requires a caliber in the leadership, a long term vision and accommodative attitude. People of Nepal have always been supportive of the political ideals of broadest unity between different sections of the people. B.P. Koirala is all the time remembered by different ideological groups of Nepal mainly because of his politics of reconciliation based upon a long term vision," said the political analyst.
Issue of Monarchy
Although article 159(2) of the interim constitution declares that the implementation of transition to republic shall be made at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, the parties are yet to make new decision on it. The newly elected body has to discuss over the utility of institution of monarchy in its first session. Since time immemorial, it has been the most significant continuity from the past. The newly elected body has to balance the pros and cons of its utility and legislate about its fate.
"This legislative body is not going to be a rubber stamp of any past decision. As it represents the sovereignty of the people with its fresh mandate, it cannot remain under duress from the seen and unseen centers of powers or irrational decisions of the past," said the analyst. "As it is going to consider things in a long term perspective, it has to evaluate the role of traditional institution maintaining traditional faith of the people as a stabling factor."
The election results showed that it was neither about the king against the people or upper cast Vs lower cast or Madhes Vs Pahad. Many members who actively took part in King's direct rule have won the election and some of them are contesting the election through proportional representation. Former regional administrator under King's direct rule Mrigendra Kumar Singh Yadav and former assistant minister under his direct rule Govinda Chaudhari won the election as candidates of Terai Madhesh Loktantrick Party and Bijaya Kumar Gachhedar - who was reportedly soft about King's direct rule - also secured victory from two constituencies in the election as a candidate of MJF.
Many people of hilly origin won seats from Madhesh contesting as candidates of major parties Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist. They won seats in all 22 districts of plain, which Madhesi parties wanted as a separate federal state. In some districts like Bardiya, Kailali, Kanchapur, Jhapa, andUdayapur, these parties swept the polls.
Similarly, many republicans including CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal, Home minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Dr. Shekhar Koirala, Mahesh Acharya also lost the elections. Republican leader Narahari Acharya won the election but at the cost of Nepali Congress which was virtually uprooted in many places.
The Pandora's Box of Constituent Assembly is now reality for Nepal and the country needs a sobriety in the decision making process on the part of the legislators as well as the political parties.
VOL. 27, NO. 31, April 18, 2008 (Baishakh 06 2065 B.S.)
Wining majority from out of 240 seats allotted for first-past -post system, the CPN-Maoist, which is yet to receive global recognition as a mainstream party, has turned Nepal, a back water of world's largest democratic country, into a red field. Although the counting of votes for another 335 seats allotted for the proportional representative system is yet to complete, it is almost certain that CPN-Maoist is going to emerge as the single largest party in the Constituent Assembly Elections 2008. The result is inexplicable but CPN-Maoist, a party which fought a decade long violent insurgency – got the mandate in an election which international observers described as free and fair. In a country where a minority government of CPN-UML collapsed in nine months, how long another government led by a radical Maoist will be watched with great interest
By KESHAB POUDEL
"The results of the present election were unexpected. We had not imagined that our party will win such a large number of seats," said CPN-Maoist leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai to The Kathmandu Post.
"This result surprised us as our candidates have suffered badly," said CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, who resigned just a few days back following the election results.
"How the Maoists won the election in so many places is surprising," said Nepali Congress leader Sher Bahadur Deuba, after his victory in two constituencies in far western districts.
Prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who was congratulated by international observers including former American president Jimmy Carter, too, is shocked by the results. "I didn't imagine that our party will be rooted out in such a manner. Just wait for few more days before deciding to quit the government," prime minister Koirala told his colleagues who had gone to meet him at his residence in Baluwatar on Monday.
Not only the top leaders, common people in the streets, too, are very surprised to see the outcome. This is the reason there is no jubilation and happiness despite the wave of victory in favor of the Maoists and there is no spontaneous support and jubilant mass of the people. The only persons participating in the election rallies are the party cadres.
Constitutional Provisions
With the elections to the Constituent Assembly accomplished, the focus of political debate in Nepal has at once shifted from the electoral issues to the issues involving formation of a new government according to the fresh mandate.
“But in the absence of a clear direction under the Constitution, which suffers from many deliberate lacunas and caveats, a very constitutional process is about to be handled in a very controversial way. It is giving the impression that even after housing 601 assemblymen, freshly elected and nominated, the culture of ad hocism does not intend to disappear,” said Dr Bipin Adhikari, lawyer and constitutional analyst.
According to Article 38(1) of the Interim Constitution, the Prime Minister is to be appointed on the basis of political consensus. “There is no provision in the Constitution as to who should initiate the process; how it should be done; and whether there are standards of conduct to get it done. Political consensus is the rule even if there is a majority party in the House. Although the Council of Ministers is to be formed under the Prime Minister's chairmanship, the Council itself is to be the product of political consensus. In this jurisprudence of consensus, the difference between those who have more popular support, and those who have barely survived, is not constitutionally recognized. So, essentially, a majority Prime Minister has no majoritarian power, even if that means disregard to the voters, and the fresh mandate the voters have conferred on the Prime Minister,” said Dr. Adhikari.
The Constitution clearly states that if consensus cannot be reached as above, the Prime Minister shall be elected by a majority of two-thirds of the members of the Constituent Assembly. Even if this provision is rationalised as a stimulant towards consensual process of constitution making, it does not stand out as an acceptable rule of law.
According to Dr. Adhikari, a unicameral house of 601 person is a very loud arrangement. It is impracticable also because the interim Constitution has not provided any mini-legislature within the Constituent Assembly to work on legislative and policy issues so that these jobs are done professionally, and through a deliberative process. It is too much for all 601 assembly men to work in the Constituent Assembly as legislators, and in a meaningful way.
The present result of first-past-post system is just one of the forms decided to elect the members for Constituent Assembly as there is just 240 seats allotted under this system.
According to article 63 of the Interim Constitution, the constituent assembly consists of 601 members. Under the proportional representation system there will be 335 members, 240 under the first-past-post system and 26 are nominated on the recommendation of the cabinet.
For the purpose of this constitution "political consensus" means the political consensus reached between the seven political parties- Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (UML), Janmoracha Nepal, Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandadevi), Nepal Majdur Kishan Party, Samyukta Janmorcha and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).
After 1995 when CPN-UML formed a government as a single largest party, this is first time in the history of Nepal when communist party with radical ideology has won such a large seats in the election held under the observation of more than one thousand observers led by former US president Jimmy Carter and United Nations Mission to Nepal.
Despite monitoring by international observers, the election was full of violence and threats. From daughter of prime minister Koirala, Sujata Koirala to many other NC leaders who lost the elections lost due to intimidation and threat.
Even many goons came from across the border to terrorize the voters of Sujata Koirala in her constituency 3 of Sunsari. One of Sujata's workers died in cross firing in the bordering polling booth.
"Don't ask me about election. I cried for help from all sides. I did not receive any support. EC was one sided and administration was not concerned about mass rigging," said Koirala.
Though Nepali voters are hailed as a peaceful and conscious voters, Nepalese have tendencies to back one extreme to another without knowing its fall out. When King dissolved the elected parliament in 2002, people welcomed it by lighting the lamps. In similar way, people welcomed the move of February 1,2006 action of the King. They welcomed the interim government led by Koirala and all its actions without any resentment. In the election, they voted radical communist outfit to power without knowing its implications on their life like in CPN-UML in 1992 elections.
Reasons Behind Election Debacle
Several reasons work for the debacle of two parties. One of the main reasons of debacle of Nepali Congress and CPN-UML is their long negative list. Those who had negative views against those two parties voted Maoists as a next choice.
The second important reason was that voters decided to give a chance to fresh players. At a time when there is no plus point in favor of CPN-UML and Nepali Congress –which followed the Maoist line - people saw the Maoists as better alternative.
Nepali Congress has lost a big monarchist vote bank and people disliked CPN-UML because of its feeble stands on political issues. CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal- who was also a member of constitution drafting committee in 1990, proved to be inconsistent.
Along with others, CPN-UML also gave up its stand on nationalism. CPN-UML was completely silent over the citizenship Act, water resources treaty and other such sentimental issues. Except anti-monarchy posturing, nothing was left to Nepali Congress and CPN-UML to compete with Maoists. However, the Maoists established itself as an anti-monarchical force long before them.
At the last minute, Maoist even issued statement urging Royalist to vote for them.
People have seen Nepali Congress and CPN-UML's role in the government turn by turn. However, among three players, Maoists were untested. This also prompted voters to vote for Maoists.
Other major reason for Maoist victory is deep rooted fear psychology. Rural people decided not to take the risk of voting other parties. When there was a wide spread rumor in the rural areas about Maoist threat and intimidation, no one could dare to risk their life by not voting the Maoists.
Even in his last leg of political campaign, CPN-Maoist leader Prachanda urged his cadres to behave as Gandhiji for seven days. That means they would continue to use drastic methods after the election.
"One of the main reasons behind our devastation is our failure to convince the rural voters that they will be safe after the election for CA," said senior CPN-UML leader Pradeep Nepal.
In an indication of how the Maoists would behave in coming days, on Monday (April 14) Maoists attacked finance minister Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat and his convoy when he was on his way home after winning election in Nuwakot
Because of guarantee of security in urban areas and presence of huge international observers, the population in urban areas did not feel any threat. However, the situation in rural Nepal was very difficult. By winning from a constituency in Rautahat district, a wanted man Babban Singh showed how threat works in rural areas.
The role of unseen power was the most significant to notice. "Maoists have been used for first phase of destabilization in Nepal from 1996-2007 by this unseen power. Now, Maoists can be used for second phase of operation in Nepal to have upper hand in Nepal security," said a political analyst.
International Response
International response to the Maoist victory is positive now. India which has backed Maoists and seven party alliance since November 2006 permitting them to ink the 12 point agreement in New Delhi has already expressed satisfaction. From Indian point of view, this is a great success as they have covertly backed parties and Maoist up to the present point.
Indian ambassador to Nepal Shiv Shanker Mukherjee has already met Maoist leader Prachanda and congratulated him for the success of his party in the election. " India has taken the Maoist victory in constituent assembly elections in Nepal as a positive development," said Indian foreign minister Pranab Mukherjee. "We support the Maoist victory in the April 10 Constituent Assembly election in Nepal and view it as a positive development. The Maoists have successfully taken part in the democratic process. It will now be easier to India to work with the democratically elected government of Nepal."
The United States - which still tags Maoists in its terrorist watch list – has mumbled few words of congratulations for conducting election. For Europeans, they were in constant touch with the Maoist leadership.
Nepal's other neighbor China also expressed satisfaction over the way the constituent assembly election was held.
Lessons For Nepali Congress
Nepali Congress legendary leader B.P. Koirala often said that Nepali Congress has no utility if it gives up the policy of national reconciliation. "If we give up national reconciliation, which is based on nationalism and democracy, our role will diminish. We must understand that we will lose our identity in case we give up national reconciliation," said Koirala in his book King, Nationalism and Politics (Raja, Rastriyata and Rajniti).
"National unity cannot be achieved in vacuum. Which means that the people factor and the monarchy must combine, that there must be total understanding between these two elements of national life. The alternative to this is ruin. That is what I feel and, therefore, I do not contemplate any alternative to this," said B.P. Koirala in his interview to Bhola Chatterji, an Indian journalist in 1979.
However, joining hands with extremists and following their ideology, Nepali Congress has badly suffered in the election. Although he is regarded as a hero by international community, prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala is completely a loser at his end of political carrier. He pushed Nepali Congress from largest party with majority to nowhere.
Challenges For Newly Elected body
The greatest challenge for the elected representatives of the people is to realize their responsibility as trustee of the people – the sovereign. “In no way, this elected body would be under a bondage to follow the diktat of the dubious power centers of the party or elsewhere. Though it was an avoidable game of populism, the CA is a reality. It will have to take up every issue in the constitution making in accordance with the fresh mandate of the people. It is under no compulsion to endorse the ruling or decisions of the previous nominated house of legislators," said the analyst. “The greatest challenge to Nepal at present is a question of survival as a truly independent, democratic and prosperous nation.”
"We will bring peace, stability and prosperity to the people. We will work to protect our independence and sovereignty," said Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda in his victory rally.
While taking about these consensus issues, national unity is the first and foremost task ahead.
"It requires a caliber in the leadership, a long term vision and accommodative attitude. People of Nepal have always been supportive of the political ideals of broadest unity between different sections of the people. B.P. Koirala is all the time remembered by different ideological groups of Nepal mainly because of his politics of reconciliation based upon a long term vision," said the political analyst.
Issue of Monarchy
Although article 159(2) of the interim constitution declares that the implementation of transition to republic shall be made at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, the parties are yet to make new decision on it. The newly elected body has to discuss over the utility of institution of monarchy in its first session. Since time immemorial, it has been the most significant continuity from the past. The newly elected body has to balance the pros and cons of its utility and legislate about its fate.
"This legislative body is not going to be a rubber stamp of any past decision. As it represents the sovereignty of the people with its fresh mandate, it cannot remain under duress from the seen and unseen centers of powers or irrational decisions of the past," said the analyst. "As it is going to consider things in a long term perspective, it has to evaluate the role of traditional institution maintaining traditional faith of the people as a stabling factor."
The election results showed that it was neither about the king against the people or upper cast Vs lower cast or Madhes Vs Pahad. Many members who actively took part in King's direct rule have won the election and some of them are contesting the election through proportional representation. Former regional administrator under King's direct rule Mrigendra Kumar Singh Yadav and former assistant minister under his direct rule Govinda Chaudhari won the election as candidates of Terai Madhesh Loktantrick Party and Bijaya Kumar Gachhedar - who was reportedly soft about King's direct rule - also secured victory from two constituencies in the election as a candidate of MJF.
Many people of hilly origin won seats from Madhesh contesting as candidates of major parties Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist. They won seats in all 22 districts of plain, which Madhesi parties wanted as a separate federal state. In some districts like Bardiya, Kailali, Kanchapur, Jhapa, andUdayapur, these parties swept the polls.
Similarly, many republicans including CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal, Home minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Dr. Shekhar Koirala, Mahesh Acharya also lost the elections. Republican leader Narahari Acharya won the election but at the cost of Nepali Congress which was virtually uprooted in many places.
The Pandora's Box of Constituent Assembly is now reality for Nepal and the country needs a sobriety in the decision making process on the part of the legislators as well as the political parties.
Monday, January 7, 2008
Remembering Old Days of Nepali Congress - Puskar Magar
Posted on November 3rd, 2007 by UWB
http://www.blog.com.np/united-we-blog/2007/11/03/remembering-old-days-of-nepali-congress/
For me the Nepali Congress office at Jamal was the center of the universe back in 80s…. Six months ago was the last time I went NC office (now in Sanepa) and found that NC have transformed into a club of different interest groups.
By Puskar Magar
Magar is a NC supporter and now lives in United Arab Emirate
It was in the mid 80’s, when I started I.A. program in Ranta Rajya Campus, Kathmandu. We had a group of students of about 5 from Chitwan, Nawal Parasi and Tanhaun. Because of our close friendship and same political orientation, we decided to get rooms in the same building in Bag Bazaar behind the old bus park, Ratna Park. Political climate in the campus was always amazingly hot. There was either welcome party for new comers or Nepal Student Union Unit meetings or frequent verbal/physical fights with communist students. And it was our daily routine to go to Nepali Congress (NC) Party Office in Jamal. By the time we were back in our room, it was already 7:30pm. Then, we had to prepare for next day morning class. In a way, our life was busy but exciting.
I learnt so much about politics from NC Jamal Office. For me NC Jamal office was the center of the universe. I wanted to go there every single day. By 1: 00p.m. NC workers started to gather. There was a teashop, next to the office, ran by a NC worker from Sangjha: Bhagbat Dai. He served the best quality tea. Until top trio leaders: Ganesh Man Jee, Kishun Jee and Girija Babu arrived, we spent time inside the teashop. Most of the time NC cadres were either discussing on current political issues or narrating their past political experiences. The environment inside the teashop was like another political science class room.
Normally, Kishun jee used to come first. Then Girija Babu and Ganesh Man jee at the last. When any of these three leaders arrived, we all used to stand up and greet them with “Jay Nepal”. First hour or so, senior leaders used to talk about some serious matters themselves privately. Their room remained closed during that time. Then the room was open for all party workers. Entering that room was always the best feeling. Listening to the top three leaders face to face was equally emotional and rewarding, which I cherish for rest of my life. During that time, we all had easy access to our leaders.
There were only three useable rooms in the office. One was for the top three leaders; another one was for second tier leaders like Basu Dai and Yog Prasad Jee. And the third room was for the students. The student room was always the noisiest room in the building. The topic of the talks varied room to room - from party policies; to where NC workers were beaten up by communist or Mandale; to potential meeting between Girija Babu and King Birendra.
Basu Dai l and Yog Prasad Jee always seemed to be more focused on logistical aspects: communicating with party workers, writing scholarship recommendation for students who wanted to go to India, Pakistan, Bangladesh etc; tracking who is in hospital; what their needs were; and if party workers had passed away; and what could be done for their family.
I remember a day vividly. A NC worker from Baglung died in Bir Hospital. The family wanted to take his body to their hometown for cremation but the family was financially broke. The wife and 12 years old son were asking the party leaders for transportation arrangements so that they could take the body to Baglung. First, Basu Dai and Yog Prasad jee tried to find a solution but it was on vain. Then Ganesh Man Jee made about 3 phone calls and managed to rent a taxi to Pokhara. I believe Tara Bhatt Dai found a solution for Pokhara to Baglung section. The family had not eaten enough for two days. I had 95 rupees allocated to buy books but wanted to give to the family. The wife burst into tear and replied “Khai Ke Bhanam”. That was one of the best decisions of my life. In those old days NC leaders/cadres had a bond and they really cared for each other. For me that’s the legacy of NC Jamal office.
Later I learnt that the wife of the NC cadre succumbed to jaundice and the son had gone to Lacknow, India for work. I have no further information about him. I still remember their faces fondly and I hope the son is doing ok wherever he is.
During my 6 years stay in Kathmandu and interaction with NC leaders/cadres, I realized that NC was the party of the people from all walks. The large numbers of people were from middle class families. I am still not sure how the party was running financially. When a cadre was hospitalized, or when some one died, leaders had to work really hard to arrange financial support. My impression is that people like Kuber Sharma, Sagar Samsher Rana, Ram Krishna Tamkakar etc. helped NC financially during those difficult days.
I remember another incident. One of my friends was about to have an operation and he needed some blood immediately. I went to NC office. Then the influential student leader Hridaya Ram Thani talked to three students standing by. All three (one from Jhapa and two from Lamjung) were ready to donate the blood. All three went to Teaching Hospital with me. My friend got the blood from the Jhapali student and the operation went well.
Later I came to know that the student, who gave the blood, had already donated blood six times within the last five months. I salute the Jhapali student for his eagerness to help fellow friends and party workers. This is just one example. I met many inspiring NC leaders and cadres like this student in the NC Jamal office.
The word Jay Nepal was a magical word for all of us. If some one greeted you with Jay Nepal, you felt like he/she was part of your family. It did not matter when you met or how long you know him/her personally. The word “jay Nepal” was enough. In those days the word Jay Nepal carried the meaning and the feeling.
Before 1990 was difficult time for NC supporters. People were even scared to go to NC office. We saw the same faces regularly in the party office. I rarely saw many new faces there. Those who came to the office were diehard NC workers. Their number was relatively small. But surely it was a determined group of people. For them, Nepali Congress was their life. They were educated; they had given up carrier and luxury for their political belief. Though they did not have material life, they were happy with what they were doing. You could see the passion for democracy in their eyes. They were optimistic that democracy and rule of law would prevail in Nepal soon.
It has been about 22 years since I entered NC Jamal office. The last time I went NC office (now in Sanepa) was about 6 months back. I have to admit that sadly NC have transformed into a club of different interest groups. You can see the flow of bad money within NC. Then, only Ganesh Man jee had a jeep, which was given by Kuber Sharma. Kishun jee did not have a car – he used to take a taxi. Girija babu did not have a car. Now, most of the central leaders have 60 lakhs Pajero Jeep. How did they get it? God knows.
Before 1990 you could go and talk to leader face to face and put forward your concerns. Now meeting a lowly leader like Sharad Singh Bhandari or Khum Bahadur is a day long difficult task.
The word “Jay Nepal” lost the charm. The quantity of NC workers in Central Office increased by many folds; but the quality of workers went down hill significantly.
My heart was shattered when I heard a senior NC leader Ram Chandra Poudel saying “without party being in the power and without having enough money, we can not win the election”. I realized that NC has transformed from a “revolutionary-disciplined party”, which had won people’s heart by hard work, into a party which is ruled by money and the mobs. What NC adopted in last 20 years are love for money and love for the “chair”. Now NC has been largely the party of Khum Bahadur Khadka and Govinda Raj Joshi, who speak and understand only the language of money.
I deeply miss NC Jamal office. I missed true NC workers, who gave up everything for democracy during difficult times. Most importantly, I miss the inclusiveness of NC for average people like me. What I see today is “true NC workers”, who kept the “light” alive are in minority in their own party. I wish I could turn the time around.
http://www.blog.com.np/united-we-blog/2007/11/03/remembering-old-days-of-nepali-congress/
For me the Nepali Congress office at Jamal was the center of the universe back in 80s…. Six months ago was the last time I went NC office (now in Sanepa) and found that NC have transformed into a club of different interest groups.
By Puskar Magar
Magar is a NC supporter and now lives in United Arab Emirate
It was in the mid 80’s, when I started I.A. program in Ranta Rajya Campus, Kathmandu. We had a group of students of about 5 from Chitwan, Nawal Parasi and Tanhaun. Because of our close friendship and same political orientation, we decided to get rooms in the same building in Bag Bazaar behind the old bus park, Ratna Park. Political climate in the campus was always amazingly hot. There was either welcome party for new comers or Nepal Student Union Unit meetings or frequent verbal/physical fights with communist students. And it was our daily routine to go to Nepali Congress (NC) Party Office in Jamal. By the time we were back in our room, it was already 7:30pm. Then, we had to prepare for next day morning class. In a way, our life was busy but exciting.
I learnt so much about politics from NC Jamal Office. For me NC Jamal office was the center of the universe. I wanted to go there every single day. By 1: 00p.m. NC workers started to gather. There was a teashop, next to the office, ran by a NC worker from Sangjha: Bhagbat Dai. He served the best quality tea. Until top trio leaders: Ganesh Man Jee, Kishun Jee and Girija Babu arrived, we spent time inside the teashop. Most of the time NC cadres were either discussing on current political issues or narrating their past political experiences. The environment inside the teashop was like another political science class room.
Normally, Kishun jee used to come first. Then Girija Babu and Ganesh Man jee at the last. When any of these three leaders arrived, we all used to stand up and greet them with “Jay Nepal”. First hour or so, senior leaders used to talk about some serious matters themselves privately. Their room remained closed during that time. Then the room was open for all party workers. Entering that room was always the best feeling. Listening to the top three leaders face to face was equally emotional and rewarding, which I cherish for rest of my life. During that time, we all had easy access to our leaders.
There were only three useable rooms in the office. One was for the top three leaders; another one was for second tier leaders like Basu Dai and Yog Prasad Jee. And the third room was for the students. The student room was always the noisiest room in the building. The topic of the talks varied room to room - from party policies; to where NC workers were beaten up by communist or Mandale; to potential meeting between Girija Babu and King Birendra.
Basu Dai l and Yog Prasad Jee always seemed to be more focused on logistical aspects: communicating with party workers, writing scholarship recommendation for students who wanted to go to India, Pakistan, Bangladesh etc; tracking who is in hospital; what their needs were; and if party workers had passed away; and what could be done for their family.
I remember a day vividly. A NC worker from Baglung died in Bir Hospital. The family wanted to take his body to their hometown for cremation but the family was financially broke. The wife and 12 years old son were asking the party leaders for transportation arrangements so that they could take the body to Baglung. First, Basu Dai and Yog Prasad jee tried to find a solution but it was on vain. Then Ganesh Man Jee made about 3 phone calls and managed to rent a taxi to Pokhara. I believe Tara Bhatt Dai found a solution for Pokhara to Baglung section. The family had not eaten enough for two days. I had 95 rupees allocated to buy books but wanted to give to the family. The wife burst into tear and replied “Khai Ke Bhanam”. That was one of the best decisions of my life. In those old days NC leaders/cadres had a bond and they really cared for each other. For me that’s the legacy of NC Jamal office.
Later I learnt that the wife of the NC cadre succumbed to jaundice and the son had gone to Lacknow, India for work. I have no further information about him. I still remember their faces fondly and I hope the son is doing ok wherever he is.
During my 6 years stay in Kathmandu and interaction with NC leaders/cadres, I realized that NC was the party of the people from all walks. The large numbers of people were from middle class families. I am still not sure how the party was running financially. When a cadre was hospitalized, or when some one died, leaders had to work really hard to arrange financial support. My impression is that people like Kuber Sharma, Sagar Samsher Rana, Ram Krishna Tamkakar etc. helped NC financially during those difficult days.
I remember another incident. One of my friends was about to have an operation and he needed some blood immediately. I went to NC office. Then the influential student leader Hridaya Ram Thani talked to three students standing by. All three (one from Jhapa and two from Lamjung) were ready to donate the blood. All three went to Teaching Hospital with me. My friend got the blood from the Jhapali student and the operation went well.
Later I came to know that the student, who gave the blood, had already donated blood six times within the last five months. I salute the Jhapali student for his eagerness to help fellow friends and party workers. This is just one example. I met many inspiring NC leaders and cadres like this student in the NC Jamal office.
The word Jay Nepal was a magical word for all of us. If some one greeted you with Jay Nepal, you felt like he/she was part of your family. It did not matter when you met or how long you know him/her personally. The word “jay Nepal” was enough. In those days the word Jay Nepal carried the meaning and the feeling.
Before 1990 was difficult time for NC supporters. People were even scared to go to NC office. We saw the same faces regularly in the party office. I rarely saw many new faces there. Those who came to the office were diehard NC workers. Their number was relatively small. But surely it was a determined group of people. For them, Nepali Congress was their life. They were educated; they had given up carrier and luxury for their political belief. Though they did not have material life, they were happy with what they were doing. You could see the passion for democracy in their eyes. They were optimistic that democracy and rule of law would prevail in Nepal soon.
It has been about 22 years since I entered NC Jamal office. The last time I went NC office (now in Sanepa) was about 6 months back. I have to admit that sadly NC have transformed into a club of different interest groups. You can see the flow of bad money within NC. Then, only Ganesh Man jee had a jeep, which was given by Kuber Sharma. Kishun jee did not have a car – he used to take a taxi. Girija babu did not have a car. Now, most of the central leaders have 60 lakhs Pajero Jeep. How did they get it? God knows.
Before 1990 you could go and talk to leader face to face and put forward your concerns. Now meeting a lowly leader like Sharad Singh Bhandari or Khum Bahadur is a day long difficult task.
The word “Jay Nepal” lost the charm. The quantity of NC workers in Central Office increased by many folds; but the quality of workers went down hill significantly.
My heart was shattered when I heard a senior NC leader Ram Chandra Poudel saying “without party being in the power and without having enough money, we can not win the election”. I realized that NC has transformed from a “revolutionary-disciplined party”, which had won people’s heart by hard work, into a party which is ruled by money and the mobs. What NC adopted in last 20 years are love for money and love for the “chair”. Now NC has been largely the party of Khum Bahadur Khadka and Govinda Raj Joshi, who speak and understand only the language of money.
I deeply miss NC Jamal office. I missed true NC workers, who gave up everything for democracy during difficult times. Most importantly, I miss the inclusiveness of NC for average people like me. What I see today is “true NC workers”, who kept the “light” alive are in minority in their own party. I wish I could turn the time around.
Tuesday, January 1, 2008
Republic in installments - By Indra Adhikari
http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2007/others/feature/dec/news_feature03.php
The seven parties pushed their decision to proclaim Nepal as a federal democratic republic through the interim parliament, on Friday (December 28) despite the opposition from certain quarters. But by inserting a clause stating that this proclamation will be implemented by the first meeting of the elected Constituent Assembly, the parties have opted for republic in installments.
The nation has been proclaimed a republic but there is a clause that says monarchy will be removed before the constituent assembly polls if it puts obstacles in the process, which points at the fact that the parties still accept the existence of monarchy in the country, in one or the other form.
Republic proclamation has drawn mixed reaction from different sections of political forces. Pashupati Shumsher Rana, president of Rastriya Prajantra Party (RPP) - a rightist liberal party - has said the amendment is 'contradictory'. Former Prime Minister and president of Rastriya Janashakti Party (RJP) Surya Bahadur Thapa termed the decision as an autocratic saying that the nominated people were dictating the course for elected assembly.
The amendment says that the king will not have any authority in state affairs. The authorities being exercised by the king as the head of the state, henceforth, have been transferred to the prime minister as the officiating head of the state.
Some months back, while in his hometown Biratnagar, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala had said that there was already 80 percent republic in the country. He had also said it takes time to totally erase the monarchy that has ruled Nepal for nearly two-and-half century.
On Friday, lawmakers endorsed another installment of the republican order. This decision, which was meant to placate the Maoist opposition, received meager opposition. Three votes were cast against the order while two others boycotted.
The seven parties reached this agreement 19 months after King Gyanendra surrendered before the mass movement. On the 19th day of the people's movement, he had lost his hold on power and on the 19th month he lost the institution.
The international community that greatly influences the national politics, particularly in this transitional phase, has remained silent on decision of the seven parties to declare republic. India and China in their statements only appreciated the decision of the parties to hold election by mid-April. Even the representative of United Nations Secretary General to Nepal Ian Martin has refused to comment on this issue but has amply appreciated the parties' decision and commitments for early polls.
A week ago, a royal hardliner Rabindra Nath Sharma had indicated that the king could take some steps in the changing circumstances.
One of the major arguments raised by the opponents of the seven parties' decision is that it has hijacked the sovereign power vested in Nepali people. The decision for republic order has come from the top leaders of the seven parties and a House of nominated persons instead of by the election where sovereign people cast their votes, they say.
Critics say parties have no basis to claim that republican system is the demand of wider Nepali populace unless an election or referendum is held.
RPP, Rastriya Janashakti Party and a few others called for popular mandate while taking decision in such a big issue. Nepali Congress, for sometimes, had taken similar stand but it wilted under the continued pressure from the Maoists and other communist parties.
The parties have reserved the final installment of the republic for the first sitting of the elected constituent assembly. But it all depends on whether they walk their talk by actually holding the election this time.
If they fail to do so, the countrymen will be in big confusion regarding the basic status of their nation. nepalnews.com Dec 30 07
The seven parties pushed their decision to proclaim Nepal as a federal democratic republic through the interim parliament, on Friday (December 28) despite the opposition from certain quarters. But by inserting a clause stating that this proclamation will be implemented by the first meeting of the elected Constituent Assembly, the parties have opted for republic in installments.
The nation has been proclaimed a republic but there is a clause that says monarchy will be removed before the constituent assembly polls if it puts obstacles in the process, which points at the fact that the parties still accept the existence of monarchy in the country, in one or the other form.
Republic proclamation has drawn mixed reaction from different sections of political forces. Pashupati Shumsher Rana, president of Rastriya Prajantra Party (RPP) - a rightist liberal party - has said the amendment is 'contradictory'. Former Prime Minister and president of Rastriya Janashakti Party (RJP) Surya Bahadur Thapa termed the decision as an autocratic saying that the nominated people were dictating the course for elected assembly.
The amendment says that the king will not have any authority in state affairs. The authorities being exercised by the king as the head of the state, henceforth, have been transferred to the prime minister as the officiating head of the state.
Some months back, while in his hometown Biratnagar, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala had said that there was already 80 percent republic in the country. He had also said it takes time to totally erase the monarchy that has ruled Nepal for nearly two-and-half century.
On Friday, lawmakers endorsed another installment of the republican order. This decision, which was meant to placate the Maoist opposition, received meager opposition. Three votes were cast against the order while two others boycotted.
The seven parties reached this agreement 19 months after King Gyanendra surrendered before the mass movement. On the 19th day of the people's movement, he had lost his hold on power and on the 19th month he lost the institution.
The international community that greatly influences the national politics, particularly in this transitional phase, has remained silent on decision of the seven parties to declare republic. India and China in their statements only appreciated the decision of the parties to hold election by mid-April. Even the representative of United Nations Secretary General to Nepal Ian Martin has refused to comment on this issue but has amply appreciated the parties' decision and commitments for early polls.
A week ago, a royal hardliner Rabindra Nath Sharma had indicated that the king could take some steps in the changing circumstances.
One of the major arguments raised by the opponents of the seven parties' decision is that it has hijacked the sovereign power vested in Nepali people. The decision for republic order has come from the top leaders of the seven parties and a House of nominated persons instead of by the election where sovereign people cast their votes, they say.
Critics say parties have no basis to claim that republican system is the demand of wider Nepali populace unless an election or referendum is held.
RPP, Rastriya Janashakti Party and a few others called for popular mandate while taking decision in such a big issue. Nepali Congress, for sometimes, had taken similar stand but it wilted under the continued pressure from the Maoists and other communist parties.
The parties have reserved the final installment of the republic for the first sitting of the elected constituent assembly. But it all depends on whether they walk their talk by actually holding the election this time.
If they fail to do so, the countrymen will be in big confusion regarding the basic status of their nation. nepalnews.com Dec 30 07
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