Discussions on the constitutional thought of B. P. Koirala

http://www.nepalnews.com/home/index.php/news/8/15641-discussions-on-the-constitutional-thought-of-b-p-koirala.html

A brainstorming session was organized in Kathmandu on the constitutional thought of late B. P. Koirala.

Organised by the Nepal Constitution Foundation and facilitated by former Speaker Daman Nath Dhungana, the programme intended to provide a back up to the Foundation in its research on the constitutional thought of B. P. Koirala as the most remembered statesman of the country who led the revolution of 1950-51 and helped drafting the Interim Constitution in 1951.

The first popularly elected Prime Minister of Nepal, B. P. Koirala was also the inspiring force behind the 1959 Constitution of Nepal. His statements to the special court in the mid-1970s in response to the charge of treason and the recommendations given to the Constitution Drafting Commission at that time which led to the Third Amendment of the 1962 Constitution as part of the national reconciliation efforts also provide the basics of what Koirala thought about constitutionalism, the rule of law and basic human rights.

A paper to this effect was presented during the programme by constitutional expert Dr Bipin Adhikari who argued that it is possible to develop the B. P. Koirala School of Thought on Constitutionalism based on the writings of late Koirala, his contribution to the 1951 and 1959 constitutions and his petitions to the Supreme Court during the formative years of his political career, as well as the statements given to the special court in response to the charge of treason, illegal possession of arms and ammunitions and propagation of democratic socialism in the country. Adhikari argued that the theory that could be developed will have enormous importance because Koirala also lived by the values that he preached.

The programme was participated by Nepali Congress leaders Bhim Bahadur Tamang, Chakra Prasad Bastola, Sagar Shamsher JBR, Purushottam Basnet, constitutional expert Dr Surya Dhungel, Professor Ganesh D. Bhatta and advocate Dinesh Tripathi, among others.

Concluding the programme, former Speaker Daman Nath Dhungana said B. P. Koirala introduced modern political thoughts of democracy and constitutionalism in the country and the efforts to study him in this context is very timely. He also pointed out that we are in a situation where such thoughts are as important as ever.

The programme was held as part of the National Reconciliation Day which is observed every year by the democrats in Nepal to commemorate the return of B. P. Koirala and his colleagues from exile on 30 December 1976. nepalnews.com

BP’s conciliation policy still relevant, claims NC president

http://nepalabroad.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=575:4-nep-09102011&catid=34:nepal&Itemid=53

Friday, 09 September 2011 22:36

Itahari, Sept. 10: Nepali Congress ( NC) President Sushil Koirala has said that his party would cease to exist if it abandons democracy, socialism and national reconciliation policy propounded by the party’s founding president, the late Bishweshwor Prasad Koirala. Addressing a talk show organized by the Foundation for BP's Thought, marking the 98th birth anniversary of BP Koirala here on Friday, the NC President said that national reconciliation policy and policy of peace adopted by the late leader BP was still relevant in the Nepali politics. He added that the nation would plunge into a grave crisis if parties failed to conclude the peace process and constitution drafting process with the institutionalization of democracy. The NC president further urged the UCPN (Maoist) to be serious towards protecting the achievement of past movements launched for democracy. Party central member Sujata Koirala stressed that no one should forget BP's national reconciliation policy and the path of peace, consensus and collaboration followed by the late Girija Prasad Koirala. On the occasion, democratic fighter Bishwanath Chaudhary, Hari Narayan Pokharel, senior social worker Mrs. Bishnu Devi Shrestha, educationalist Kamal Pokharel and litterateur Badri Palikhe were honoured. BP who was born on September 8, 1914 and passed away on July 21, 1982 contributed to taking the Nepali Congress to greater height. RSS

Tamang recalls BP Koirala's saying 'Be a good man rather than big'

Sunday, 11 September 2011 12:34

http://www.nepalnews.com/home/index.php/news/2/13063-tamang-recalls-bp-koiralas-saying-be-a-good-man-rather-than-big.html

Popular leader BP Koirala's policy of national reconciliation is still equally relevant at the moment, claimed Nepali Congress (NC) central member Bhim Bahadur Tamang, a politician having the most clean image in the country.

Leader Tamang made this remark at a programme organised by the NC Dhading and Nepal Press Union Dhading Chapter in Dhadingbesi to mark the 98th birth anniversary of veteran democratic leader BP Koirala, according to RSS.

Recalling BP Koirala's saying 'Be a good man rather than big', Tamang also urged the NC cadres to translate the ideals into practice.

Maoists have still the greed for weapon as they handed over the keys of the containers and came up with protesting voices on the other, he asserted, adding that all democratic allies should be cautious on their words and actions. nepalnews.com

Nepal: Bracing For A New Round In An Old Rivalry

By Maila Baje
http://newsblaze.com/story/20080929054331baje.nb/topstory.html

China offers Rs.100 million in military assistance and 14 armed groups active in the Terai organize a unity meeting in India. Such a straightforward link may be difficult to establish, at first. But there are too many dots that can be connected that way.

The first detailed report on Defense Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa's impending visit to China emerged in India earlier this month while his boss was busy charming his hosts. Bucking the euphoric trend, a top Nepal analyst, Gen. Ashok K. Mehta, urged his country to judge Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal by his deeds, not words. And those deeds, in Mehta's view, would surface soon through Thapa.

A Defense Ministry spokesman in Kathmandu said the Chinese assistance would be used according to the needs of the country. Duh! Mehta, for his part, questioned the logic of such cooperation on two grounds. "First, the Maoist and Chinese People's Liberation Armies are as different as chalk and cheese," he wrote. "China had castigated the Maoists for hijacking the fair name of Chairman Mao and called them all sorts of names, like 'miscreants' and 'anti-state rebels'," he added. When everyone stopped arms supply to Nepal Army after the royal coup, only China and Pakistan continued to do so, he noted.

But Mehta's second point was more germane to the context. "Why should the Maoists be trained in China when the integration is to take place in Nepal?" India, he added, had offered to provide vocational training for those PLA members who are not qualified or unwilling to join the Nepal Army. "Moreover, the Indian Army runs an excellent training centre for retiring Gorkhas in Dehra Dun tailored to conditions in Nepal."

In keeping with his country's prevailing official stand, Mehta studiously tried avoiding questioning Kathmandu's freedom to train PLA cadres wherever it chose. "But if this is part of [the] 'equidistance' policy or change of direction, the new Maoist leaders need to be reminded that the bulk of training and modernization of the Nepal Army has been done by India," he said. "Yet it figures nowhere in the security sector reforms," he lamented. Or, perhaps more appropriately, admonished.

Indeed, there has been a long tradition of army-to-army relations between the two countries. Kings Tribhuvan and Mahendra, as Mehta recalled, requested New Delhi to help modernize the then-Royal Nepal Army. (At least, the general who always saw the monarchy as institutionally and congenitally anti-Indian and often let that be known in his impeccable Nepali, has come around to acknowledging the historical record.)Army chief Gen. Rukmangat Katuwal visited New Delhi last January and, as part of a four-decade-old tradition of exchanging titles, was made an honorary general of the Indian Army. Nepal remains the largest recipient of Indian military assistance and training (which is not much of a record considering New Delhi's place in international military cooperation.)

During King Gyanendra's reign, military assistance reached its zenith after the Maoists attacked the military in Dang in November 2001. Clearly, the Maoist debacle in Khara in 2005, a few months after the royal takeover, struck a blow to the hardliners and boosted advocates of a return to the political process. We don't know precisely what role Indian arms and ammunition played there, especially considering that both sides were using them. Still, Khara gave cover to India to facilitate the 12-point agreement between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance. (Would the narrative have stood, had King Gyanendra desisted from shifting South Asia's geopolitical locus northward at the regional summit in Dhaka?)

The Maoists have said, Mehta recalls, that India would not have let them win the "people's war". A section, ostensibly including Thapa, is still holding their military defeat against New Delhi. Hence, his China trip. Reports doing the rounds in Kathmandu suggest a graver game plan: the amalgamation of the two armies into a national force that would be ultimately headed by Maoist commander Nanda Kishore Pun 'Pasang'. The Chinese government, according to some of these reports, has made arrangements to "train" Pasang sufficiently in fulfillment of the requirements for the top job.

Regardless of the veracity of these reports, the logical question stands. What next from India? Kings Birendra and Gyanendra both were punished for cozying up to China in 1988-89 and 2005-06. In the first instance, a crippling economic embargo coincided with a democracy movement. In the second, democracy was a sufficient rallying cry. Neither course would be practically tenable at this time (unless someone in South Block still believes in instigating the Nepali Congress to launch another movement for democracy against the Maoists).

Hence, the next best thing. Should we expect a 14-party multipoint agreement to be formally signed and unveiled in Patna any time soon?

Maila Baje writes about Nepal at http://nepalinetbook.blogspot.com
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QUO VADIS NEPALI CONGRESS? - Dr Khagendra N Sharma

September 4, 2008 (Courtesy - The Kathmandu Post)

Quo Vadis- which way- is the Nepali Congress moving? It looks odd that it has chosen to remain outside the government.

Girija Koirala is known to be a master in breaking a government- any government including his own- to perpetuate his rule- his dynastic rule- no matter what happens to the nation, to the party, to the ideology of his party, to the devoted cadres of his party and to the people at large.
Ever since the CPN-Maoist were returned as the largest party in the constituent assembly election, the NC has found it extremely difficult to adjust. Prime Minister Girija stuck to his seat until all alibis were exhausted to prevent the Maoists from leading the government. He insisted until the last moment that the only desired course was the course of consensus. But at the final stroke, he led his party in the opposition bench. With what intent?

It is obvious that the NC failed to accept that they were rejected by the people as the leading party at the present juncture. History will acknowledge that the NC led the movement for democracy ever since they fought against the formidable rule of the Ranas before their removal in 1950. The removal of the Ranas and the restoration of the full power of the monarch, particularly under king Mahendra, gave the NC no less trouble. After a brief spell of democratic governance, the NC was thrown out of power by king Mahendra and most of the NC leaders were either jailed or exiled for decades. The NC kept the burner of the democratic movement alight and led the movement or the restoration of democracy in 1990. Until that juncture, the NC had nurtured an image of the champion of the people.

However, the NC became power hungry after that watershed. The people voted the NC into power, but the party did not remain the champion of the people any longer. The central leadership of the NC wove a cobweb of power, pampering a few dishonest characters with constant pouring of ministerial berths irrespective of their corrupt image in the public. The first act of dissolution of the parliament by Girija turned out to be disastrous, resulting in a hung parliament. In stead of learning from the disaster and rebuilding its image, he started breaking the government one after another. The series resulted in the weakening of the democratic set-up and the king played his autocratic card. King Gyanendra not only disregarded the constitution, but also swallowed the constitutional parties in one morsel.

Restraining the autocratic monarch was so mountainous that the parliamentary parties had to take out the rally of the Maoists from the jungle. Disarming the Maoists and bringing them into the mainstream politics was initiated by the UML but it was joined by the NC in the final act of signing the 12 point agreement which became the successful plank to push the king out. The interim period under the leadership of Girija as the PM has had its successes, culminating in the election for the CA. But the result did not go as the NC and their leader Girija wanted. It proved to be a bone in the throat of the NC. The positions of the President and a VP were created in the Interim Constitution and a role for the opposition was created to assuage the NC. The interim period was successful on account of the consensus approach in the national politics. But the NC chose to break the successful tradition of consensus and went to the opposition bench.

The role of an opposition would be a healthy development during the normal course of a nation's democratic governance. But this is not yet a normal course of federal, democratic republic of Nepal. The IC has talked of restructuring of the state, but nothing has changed except the nomenclature of the head of the state. The federal components have not even been identified. There are several other aspects of state restructuring which cannot be successfully accomplished by the government alone unless it is a consensus government. Every bit of the restructuring will require the consensus of the people because the people have wanted the changes. This needs deep probing into, and strong articulation of, the nation's best interest by each stake holder. And there is no doubt that the NC is a strong stake holder.

The CA has two facets: the constitution maker and the nation's interim legislature. Constitution making is the main function of the CA: nay, it is the main function of the state. The CA has a short tenure of two years out of which almost half a year has already been wasted. The legislative function will have to be kept only within the indispensable minimum of day to day governance. By all reasoning, there can be no room for opposition in the constitution making part of the CA. So, the utmost role that an opposition can play is in the small hours of the legislative functioning of the CA. The NC in opposition can try to restrain the government in the day to day function. But its impact will be limited because the NC will be crushed by the sheer numbers. Because the NC did not take any comrades-in-arm in choosing to be in the opposition, they are going to remain in an absolute minority.

As there will be not much to do in the opposition, the fertile brain of Girija may contrive innovative ways of destabilizing the government. It was imminent from the last hour consultation Girija did before finally surrendering power to the Maoists that he was not happy to see the Maoists in the saddle of the government. He and his pampered ex-ministers will have ample time to flirt with the parties and CA members who are not happy at the composition of the cabinet and the selection of the present ministers, and try to win them over in bringing down the government. But it is unlikely that it will be successful this time. No government can work with the Maoists outside it. And, with the UML out, it cannot work out even a simple majority.

The role in the constitution making part of the CA will also not be easy for the NC. Their decision to remain in the opposition will create a conceptual rift with the government and it will deter the process of consensus in serious issues. The provision of the two/thirds majority to legitimize the constitution will keep the NC in a weak position in bargaining and they cannot check the unwanted parts of the new constitution from being carried out in the CA. Thus, they will be ineffective both in the legislative part and the constitution making part of the CA functions.

The NC can use this new-found role of not being responsible for running the country in a number of areas. First they can leisurely evaluate the various reasons why the CA election did not go in their favor. They have been blaming the intimidating tactics of the Maoists as the main reason of their defeat. But they have fared the same fate where the Maoists have the least influence. Secondly, they can evaluate the role of the leadership. Much has been said in this respect in the political market. They can do some introspection. Third, they can discuss internal democracy inside the party itself. Probably they can find a lot of home work in here.

Finally, they can re-establish public contact, particularly in areas where the NC base has been broken during the last election. If these things are seriously done, they may regain some of the lost ground in the next election. That may turn out to be the boon in disguise for remaining in the opposition.

Koiralas gone with the wind!

TGW - Not for nothing late Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala - a legendary Nepali Congress leader is remembered by the Nepali Congress cadres at this point of time.

Merely have two months and three days passed after Nepal was declared a Democratic Republic but more importantly the winds of change have also swayed away the Nepali Congress more so the Koirala legacy in Nepali politics along with the 240 years old institution of monarchy.

Late B.P. Koirala is remembered more at this point of time for his remarks wherein he had said that the existence of Nepali Congress in Nepali politics is linked to the existence of the Institution of Monarchy. “Our necks [Monarchy and Nepali Congress] are tied with each other”, B.P is quoted as saying by his followers even to date.

After 26 years of the death of late BP, his disliked brother and the incumbent Prime Minister G.P Koirala remained instrumental in dethroning the monarchy, and in reducing the glorious Nepali Congress into a meagre force.

Be that as it may, today, Friday August 15, 2008, Nepal’s octogenarian Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is quitting Nepal’s Prime Minister’s official residence who, if every thing goes as per the general expectations, will be replaced by none other than the man who through a bloody communist revolt not only uprooted the institution of monarchy but also ensured that the marginalized sections of Nepali society are guaranteed their inherent rights, in the process sacrificing more than thirteen thousand precious lives.

G.P Koirala will be staying at the personal house of Dr. Sashank Koirala some where in Kathmandu. Dr. Koirala is the son of late B.P.

As per some media reports, at a family gathering recently held at the PM’s official residence, Nepal’s care-taker prime minister Koirala accepted that the Koirala legacy in Nepali Politics has thus ended in a disastrous manner. In saying so, Koirala who will always be remembered for his love for power and power alone blamed some NC party leaders for the shameful ouster of “Koiralas” from Nepali politics.

Nevertheless, Sujata Koirala-the illustrious daughter of G.P was quick to comment on her father’s remarks. “You have always supported worthless men in Nepali politics”, told Sujata to her elderly father.

“I will stay at Sashank’s house…I have lived there before…I will feel more comfortable there”, Koirala said.

“You have never listened to me”, Sujata lamented.

Is this the end of Koiralas from Nepali politics? Yes perhaps!

With Sher Bahadur Deuba and Ram Chandra Poudel and many more opportunist leaders in the Nepali Congress camp competing for the party top position, the party will also face possibly several splits if something unusual happens, conclude analysts.

Interview: Girija Prasad Koirala, Ex-Prime Minister

http://telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4048


Tell our readers Mr. Koirala how you are passing your days?


GPK: From the early morning, I am totally engaged in holding political meetings and discussions. Friends from various political parties, heads of various diplomatic missions and people from various walks of life visit me. Even friends from within the Nepali Congress party come to see me and we talk on general politics and the role NC should play in the days ahead.


What are the general views of the visitors who come to see you?


GPK: Generally they have lot of criticisms and also some logical suggestions. After the Maoists leading the government, they complain that the nation has lost its way and they look more concerned on the future of democracy in Nepal. Generally, they all suspect that whether the Federal Democratic setup will be weakened in the days ahead? If the Maoists will take the country to the one party totalitarian regime, this is the general belief, I have encountered so far. Some even say that now it is the responsibility of the Nepali Congress to come strongly forward in preserving the democratic setup.


What say you Mr. Koirala regarding the functioning of the incumbent government?


GPK: I believe that it is not the right time to make any comments be it positive or negative on the issue of the functioning of this government.


We are in fact in a mood to wait and see.


It is too early to comment on this issue, less than a month has passed after the formation of this government.


We will nevertheless at an opportune moment comment on this topic.


Prime Minister Dahal has alleged that you have already made up your mind to take steps towards breaking this government. Is that true Mr. Koirala?


GPK: What Prachanda ji says, he knows it better…as far as I am concerned, I am against breaking this government now. If the government continues preserving the foundations of a democratic setup we will have nothing say. However any attack on the foundation of democracy, peoples’ inherent rights and the rule of law…I will not remain quiet.


I had told Prachanda ji to provide continuity to the politics of consensus however, he is the one who ignored it blatantly.


I am more concerned now a days on rebuilding foundation of our party, make some internal reforms in the Nepali Congress and also about unity among the political parties, peace process and drafting of the new constitution.


I am not thinking to break the government led by Prachanda ji.
Who ignored the politics of consensus?


GPK: I have been saying uninterruptedly that the politics of consensus should be accorded top priority. After the restoration of democracy and even after the election to the CA, I spoke in favor of consensus politics.


I still believe that it should have been given priority for at least ten more years to come. However the Maoists ignored it after the election to the CA. To lead the government and more importantly to alienate the Nepali Congress, they rejected the idea of consensus.


I still tell Prachanda ji that there is no alternative to consensus. To bring the peace process to a logical end and to draft the new constitution, it is compulsory.


Inner strife in the Nepali Congress, what say you Mr. Koirala?


GPK: It is totally wrong that we have differences over major issues in our party. The NC is united and will always remain one.


What about the differences regarding electing the leader of the parliamentary party delegation?


GPK: These are just half truths propagated by the Nepali media. We are a democratic party and we will elect our leader democratically. Our mentors are B.P. Koirala, Subarna Sumsher Rana and Ganesh Man who have taught us democratic norms and values. There is no difference in our party and I have told my friends that I do not want to listen to any dissenting voices.


What role will NC play in opposition?


GPK: We will play constructive role in the opposition. We will not burn tiers and halt traffic. We will set an example as the main opposition party.


(Courtesy: Ghatna Ra Bichar Weekly, Dated: Sepetmber 10, 2008)2008-09-10 20:59:26